CBP Commander-at-Large Gregory Bovino made that title literal by showing up wherever Trump needed trouble started. Once he had arrived far north of the southern border he was supposed to be patrolling, Bovino (and the people he was “commanding”) found themselves on the receiving end of several lawsuits.
Not only did they find themselves on the receiving end of lawsuits, they — especially Gregory Bovino — found themselves hit with judgments and orders forbidding them from constantly violating the rights of anti-ICE protesters and journalists covering the protests.
After a couple of murders were committed by CBP officers in Minneapolis, Minnesota, the Trump administration decided Bovino was more trouble than he was worth. Sure, he was loyal and loved to personally engage in violence against protesters, but he also loved to see himself on TV and to dress like he’s auditioning for a Hitler Youth leadership position.
Now that he’s back at the border and bored, Bovino appears to be using his free time to push his own personal brand: a buzzcut bigot willing to spread hatred wherever it’s welcomed. Jeff Tischauser points out on Bluesky that Bovino recently headed overseas to help European bigots push their anti-migrant narratives.
Greg Bovino will speak at a white nationalist conference in Portugal tomorrow. He will share the stage with no fewer than five people who idolize Hitler, including one who joined a group created by two Nazi SS members. Another guy is a self-described racist who refers to women as "cockroaches."🧵
Greg Bovino will speak at a white nationalist conference in Portugal tomorrow. He will share the stage with no fewer than five people who idolize Hitler, including one who joined a group created by two Nazi SS members. Another guy is a self-described racist who refers to women as “cockroaches.‘
RESUM26 is this year’s “Remigration Summit,” which was held in Porto, Portugal on May 30. If you’re not familiar with “Remigration” and/or RESUM26, I’ll let the organization speak for itself, even if it can’t seem to limit itself to 14 words.
Remigration is the umbrella term that designates and encompasses a set of fiscal, cultural, economic, social, political, and logistical policies whose objective is to prevent population replacement through the reversal of migratory flows, thereby restoring the sovereignty, independence, and identity of countries, through the defense of their ethnocultural specificity.
It’s almost twice as long as it needs to be at 25 words, but it’s pretty much saying the same thing Nazi supporters have been saying for years. Oh, and since literal Nazi supporters spoke at this event, here’s another reminder that Bovino himself seems to be on the supply side of Nazi sympathy.
If you can’t see the Bluesky post, It’s a screencap of Bovino’s recent X post where he’s captured giving what looks a hell of a lot like a Nazi salute while in his CBP work uniform. The accompanying text suggests Nazi salutes are just another way federal officers can visibly show their support for ICE and its activities.
Gonçalves is a white supremacist and misogynist who fashions himself as an authoritarianleader. He revels in descriptions of himself as “transphobic,” and proudly accepts the characterization that he is “ultranationalist, racist, and xenophobic.” Gonçalves is particularly known for his misogyny, posting bizarre rants about women’s right to vote, casual sex, and women sitting in public. He refers to women as “whores” and “cockroaches.” He has argued that women who get divorced should “not be entitled to receive money/goods” from their husbands and should be mandated to “pay for damages caused to the family.” He says abortions are a “crime against humanity” and has called for women who have the procedure to receive the death penalty. For Gonçalves, “non-traditional families” are an “aberration,” “80% of all divorces are initiated by women” and people of African descent are creating a “population replacement” of people of “native” European descent. He has argued that “African American men are 12x more likely to commit murder than white men.” His bigotry is so extreme that even Elon Musk’s Twitter, known for being lenient towards hateful accounts, permanently suspended both his main and backup accounts, in one instance for “abusive behavior.”
And that’s just one speaker at this event. Also speaking at RESUM26 were Dutch far-right activist Eva Vlaardingerbroek (great replacement theory proponent), Austrian far-right activist Martin Sellner (great replacement theory proponent), former French National Front politician Jean-Yves Gallou (more of the same), and RESUM co-founder Dries Van Langenhover (who adds some Holocaust denialism to the mix).
Greg Bovino has done this while still employed by the US federal government. Under any normal president, his resignation might have been demanded for choosing to associate with people promoting racist theories. But this isn’t a normal presidency. No one in the DHS is going to criticize Bovino. And, while no one seems all that eager to return Bovino to anti-migration front lines, he’s still going to keep being paid by the US public to cheer on racism from the sidelines, when not traveling overseas to do the same thing from the stage.
The National Guard soldiers in desert camo piled out of unmarked vans in East Los Angeles last June, cordoning off East Sixth Street, a residential street lined with single family houses, and blocking a nearby road leading to an elementary school.
A squad of federal agents moved in flinging flash-bang grenades — explosives designed to disorient — into a small home before storming inside. They’d come for Alejandro Orellana, a Marine Corps veteran and UPS employee accused of being a central figure in a secret confederacy of insurrectionists. A news video had shown the 30-year-old distributing water, food and face shields to people protesting the Trump administration’s immigration roundups in Los Angeles.
Bill Essayli, a former state legislator who leads the federal prosecutor’s office in Los Angeles, joined the raid along with a Fox News crew.
With cameras rolling, Orellana, his parents and brothers were led out in handcuffs as agents searched their home.
On Fox News, Essayli, sporting a blue FBI windbreaker, hyped the arrest of Orellana, a quiet, wiry man with a long mane of coal-black hair. “It appears they’re well-orchestrated and coordinated, and well-funded,” he said. “And today was one of the first arrests — first key arrests — that we did.”
Essayli would charge Orellana with conspiracy — under a federal statute typically used to build cases against drug traffickers and organized crime — and with aiding and abetting civil disorder.
Within weeks, the prosecutor’s marquee case would quietly fall apart. Agents who searched Orellana’s house found little that could be considered incriminating, and prosecutors never charged anyone else as part of the supposed conspiracy. By late July, they moved to have the charges dismissed.
It wouldn’t be the only such case.
Over the past 10 months, President Donald Trump’s administration has made much of its success in sweeping through U.S. cities, capturing unauthorized immigrants and arresting people who publicly oppose the operations, routinely accusing dissenters of being domestic terrorists or extremists. Federal agents have arrested hundreds of U.S. citizens like Orellana — including protesters, activists observing the immigration enforcement operations, bystanders and, in some cases, the family members of people targeted for deportation.
Less clear to the public is what has happened to those charged.
To find out, ProPublica and FRONTLINE combed through social media, court records and news stories. Reporters identified more than 300 protesters and bystanders who were arrested by federal agents during immigration sweeps and were accused of crimes such as assaulting or interfering with law enforcement.
But over and over those accusations fell apart under scrutiny. Our reviews of court files found that statements made by the arresting officers were repeatedly debunked by video footage. In more than a third of the cases, prosecutors quickly dismissed charges that couldn’t be substantiated, refused to file charges at all, or lost at trial. The tally of cases that end this way will likely climb as many of the arrests remain unresolved.
“What’s happening now is not comparable to anything that’s happened in the past,” said
The Department of Homeland Security, which includes Border Patrol and Immigration and Customs Enforcement, did not respond to repeated requests for comment on the arrests and declined to answer detailed questions from ProPublica and FRONTLINE.
But in a statement in response to an earlier story, DHS said, “The First Amendment protects speech and peaceful assembly — not rioting. DHS is taking reasonable and constitutional measures to uphold the rule of law and protect our officers.”
Watch FRONTLINE and ProPublica’s Documentary: “Caught in the Crackdown”
Given the unprecedented nature of the urban sweeps, it is difficult to compare the rate of failed cases to another time period or context. But current and former federal prosecutors and other legal experts said having that number of arrests come to nothing is particularly striking in the federal system, where U.S. attorneys usually secure convictions or guilty pleas in more than 90% of the cases they bring; only 8.2% of federal criminal cases were dismissed in 2022, according to data compiled by that court system.
The failures highlight the challenges of sending large numbers of federal agents into major cities to conduct roving immigration sweeps: They aren’t accustomed to dealing with crowds of angry protesters
Border Patrol agents are typically stationed at the border where their day-to-day work entails scooping up people who have crossed illegally. ICE agents, who often work in urban settings, had little prior experience handling hostile crowds. And FBI agents, who have aided in the immigration sweeps, would normally spend months or years painstakingly amassing evidence before making arrests.
That lack of experience in street policing and crowd control, coupled with the Trump administration’s demand for huge numbers of deportations, led agents to make a wave of unjustified arrests, legal experts say.
To be sure, protesters have often engaged in hostile behavior, hurling expletives, getting in agents’ faces and occasionally becoming violent. A woman in Minnesota is accused of biting off part of an agent’s finger during a scuffle after the killing of Alex Pretti in late January; in Los Angeles, an officer outside an immigration detention facility suffered a dislocated finger after a protester allegedly grabbed his bulletproof vest and shook him.
“The agents, they don’t know how to operate in these situations,” said Christy Lopez, a former Justice Department attorney who spent years investigating misconduct by law enforcement. Their behavior, she said, “is on par with the worst protest policing and just law enforcement that I’ve seen from any department, even in their worst days.
In its earlier statement, DHS said that “rioters and terrorists” have repeatedly attacked immigration agents, but ICE and Customs and Border Protection personnel “are trained to use the minimum amount of force necessary to resolve dangerous situations to prioritize the safety of the public and themselves.”
The arrests are not without consequence. Even unsuccessful prosecutions can be costly and emotionally taxing for defendants, said Jared Fishman, a former career prosecutor in the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division. The aggressive tactics of the agents and the gleeful social media posts by DHS accusing protesters of serious crimes, Fishman said, affect people’s willingness to publicly challenge the mass deportation policies.
“If the goal of the Trump administration is to keep people out of the streets, then it doesn’t matter if the people are getting convicted,” said Fishman, now the executive director of the Justice Innovation Lab, a nonprofit focused on creating a more equitable and effective justice system. “I’m sure it’s having a chilling effect.”
After reviewing data and some court records for ProPublica and FRONTLINE, Fishman said, “The numbers seem to indicate a pattern and practice of illegal arrests.”
“We Must Identify Him”
The crackdown on protesters began in June of 2025, when the Department of Homeland Security launched its wave of major immigration sweeps in Southern California. The campaign was led by Gregory Bovino, a veteran Border Patrol chief who normally presided over a remote stretch of sand and scrub deep in the state’s Imperial Valley.
Bovino from the start encouraged his agents to shut down or arrest protesters.
“Arrest as many people that touch you as you want to. Those are the general orders, all the way to the top,” Bovino told his officers, footage from an agent’s body-worn camera shows. “Everybody fucking gets it if they touch you.”
He went on to remind them that their actions should be “legal, ethical, moral” while encouraging them to use so-called less lethal weapons on protesters.
“We’re gonna look at shipping tractor trailers full of that shit in here,” he said.
Bovino’s aggressive tactics sparked intense opposition from Angelenos, including those gathered in the streets in front of the sprawling federal office complex in downtown Los Angeles on June 9.
That day Orellana drove his Ford F-150 pickup truck loaded with bottled water, snacks and cardboard boxes containing Uvex brand face shields — clear plastic masks designed to protect industrial workers from flying debris and chemical splashes — to the protest.
When he arrived in front of the federal building, another person hopped into the bed and began handing out the supplies to protesters gathered outside the entrance.
Orellana told FRONTLINE and ProPublica that he decided to help distribute the supplies after watching federal agents fire tear gas and rubber bullets into crowds at an earlier demonstration.
“A bunch of us took it upon ourselves to, you know, go downtown and give out these resources — the food, water and of course the PPE,” he said, referring to personal protective equipment.
Video and photos quickly made their way onto social media. An X user with more than 30,000 followers posted a photo of Orellana. “A photograph of the man delivering boxes of gas masks to the rioters has emerged,” wrote the poster. “We must identify him, so we can track down who is funding this coordinated attack.”
From there the thread was picked up by the conspiracy theorist Alex Jones, who has a vast audience on the platform. Jones, who repeatedly claimed that financier and philanthropist George Soros was funding the protests, eventually named Orellana as the driver of the pickup. More than two million people saw the post.
Within 48 hours, the soldiers and federal agents arrived to arrest Orellana.
Over the next five months, they arrested more than one hundred U.S. citizens in Los Angeles and other cities in Southern California — most of them demonstrators — charging them with assaulting federal law enforcement personnel or interfering with agents’ activities. Others were accused of damaging government property. At least 16, like Orellana, were charged with conspiracy, which can carry a sentence of up to six years in prison.
ProPublica and FRONTLINE found that more than a third of those cases crumbled. In eight instances, juries acquitted defendants at trial. But more frequently, prosecutors dropped charges when the claims made by immigration officers and agents didn’t match video evidence or other inconsistencies emerged. In several cases, prosecutors declined to file charges at all.
There have been some successful prosecutions: 32 of the 116 people whose arrests in California we reviewed have been convicted, many pleading guilty to misdemeanor charges. And in late February, jurors convicted two activists on stalking charges after they livestreamed themselves following an immigration agent to his home; the pair were acquitted of conspiracy.
Today 38 cases are still pending.
Essayli has stated on social media that his office brought more than 100 cases and secured convictions in more than half of them. When asked about the discrepancy between his claims and the data compiled by ProPublica and FRONTLINE, he declined to comment.
“The U.S. attorney’s office does not lose cases because they’re bad lawyers,” said Carley Palmer, who spent eight years as a federal prosecutor in the office Essayli now runs. “They are excellent trial attorneys. So if they’re losing a case, it may mean that the evidence isn’t there, or it may mean that the community doesn’t believe it should be a federal crime.”
Palmer, who is now in private practice, said the glut of protest and low-level criminal immigration cases have shifted resources away from the complex prosecutions the DOJ is uniquely equipped to handle: environmental crimes, public corruption, financial fraud, cyberscams, civil rights violations.
Essayli declined to be interviewed for this story or an accompanying FRONTLINE documentary set to air Tuesday. He was appointed by the Trump administration in early 2025, but he has never been confirmed by the Senate, raising ongoing questions about the legality of his role as top prosecutor for the region. His office did not respond to detailed questions sent by email.
Like Orellana, Julian Pecora Cardenas, 31, was charged with conspiracy last summer after following a convoy of federal agents in his car.
On the morning of July 5, Pecora Cardenas followed vans full of Border Patrol agents after they left a Coast Guard station in San Pedro, south of Los Angeles, livestreaming their movements on Instagram. “It’s every citizen’s duty to conduct oversight of their government,” he said. “I was within my First Amendment rights.”
After roughly 30 minutes, the agents stopped, pulled Pecora Cardenas from his Hyundai and slammed him to the pavement. “I honestly thought it was going to be like a George Floyd moment,” Pecora Cardenas recalled in an interview, alleging that multiple agents pinned him to the asphalt with their knees. He suffered a concussion, needed stitches over his left eye and wore an orthopedic collar to stabilize his injured neck.
Federal prosecutors charged Pecora Cardenas and another activist with conspiracy to impede the federal agents, saying that they “were illegally maneuvering their vehicles through traffic, stop lights, and stop signs to stay behind the agent’s vehicles,” that they tried to block the Border Patrol vehicles, and that they created “hazardous conditions on the road.”
Pecora Cardenas’ own video of the day’s events told a different story. The footage, which ProPublica and FRONTLINE have reviewed, contradicts the claims that the men had interfered with the agents. Within days of seeing the images, Essayli’s office jettisoned the charges “in the interest of justice.”
Pecora Cardenas hasn’t tried to observe federal agents or participate in a protest since his arrest. “I don’t want to be assaulted again. I don’t want to wind up back in federal prison for something that I didn’t do.”
“They Were Just Randomly Grabbing People”
When Bovino, the Border Patrol chief, left California and took his forces to Illinois last fall, their focus on protesters intensified.
In roughly one month, federal agents arrested more than a hundred American citizens, many of them activists participating in demonstrations or documenting the movements of immigration agents as their convoys of rented SUVs rolled through the streets of Chicago and surrounding communities.
On the morning of Oct. 3, 2025, about two hundred demonstrators gathered near the ICE facility in Broadview, a small town in the western suburbs of Chicago. Tucked away in a quiet industrial park, the nondescript building had become the locus of ongoing protests since Bovino and his forces had arrived in Illinois.
Then-Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, accompanied by a DHS video team, was on site that day wearing a baseball cap and a black ballistic vest.
Also present was Benny Johnson, a prominent podcaster and online influencer who is close to the Trump administration. Johnson, who had brought his own camera crew to shoot video for his YouTube channel and other social media accounts, was effectively embedded with Noem, Bovino and the immigration agents.
At about 9 a.m., Bovino and a phalanx of heavily armed agents in combat gear began striding down Harvard Street toward the protesters. “Walk slowly,” Bovino told his men.
Without a bullhorn or any sort of amplification, Bovino informed the crowd that they were being dispersed. Then he and his colleagues began shoving people to the ground and arresting them.
In a matter of minutes, a dozen protesters had been handcuffed. Three arrestees interviewed by ProPublica and FRONTLINE told us they were confused because they’d been standing in a “free speech zone” set up by state officials.
“I felt somebody grab my shoulder and pull me to the ground,” said Juan Muñoz, a business owner and elected leader in nearby Oak Park Township. “And once I fell onto my back, that’s when I saw it was Greg Bovino.”
Kyle Frankovich, a Harvard data scientist and Chicago resident, was also arrested. “They were just randomly grabbing people,” he recalled. “There was nowhere to go, people were falling all over the place, and several of the people they arrested simply had the misfortune of tripping over all of the other protesters” as federal agents surged into the crowd.
Frankovich said FBI agents who questioned him asked who had paid for him to participate in the demonstration and who “covered the transportation cost for you to be here today.”
Johnson’s video team and a DHS camera crew filmed the arrested protesters as they were lined up outside the ICE building, while Noem looked on. DHS posted photos of Frankovich in handcuffs on X and Facebook with the message, “We will NOT allow violent activist to lay hands on our law enforcement.”
Johnson, who has more than more than 4 million followers on X and more than 6 million subscribers on YouTube, posted a video on X panning across the arrested protesters and wrote: “I saw dozens of Democrat domestic terrorists arrested today for VIOLENT ASSAULT on federal law enforcement. Every activist here attacked ICE agents in broad daylight just for enforcing American law.” He made the same claim in a nearly 13-minute-long YouTube video.
Such social media content had become a central feature of the Trump administration’s deportation campaign. DHS, Border Patrol and a raft of allied social media influencers regularly produced slick videos showing agents in action: riding in helicopters, striding through city streets clutching rifles, breaking down doors, and apprehending immigrants and activists.
But on that day in Chicago, DHS had strayed far from the facts. And so had Johnson, a 38-year-old former journalist who turned to social media after being embroiled in plagiarism scandals at BuzzFeed and the Independent Journal Review.
After about eight hours in custody, Frankovich, Muñoz and nearly all the others were released without charges. In the end, only one person would be prosecuted.
Neither DHS nor Johnson have taken the posts down. Johnson did not respond to emailed requests for comment.
The lone person charged with a crime that day was Cole Sheridan, who was accused of attacking Bovino and sending him to the hospital with an injured groin muscle.
Sheridan spent three and a half days in jail — “probably the most unpleasant thing I’ve ever had to experience,” he said in an interview with FRONTLINE and ProPublica — before being released.
In court, a prosecutor said that Sheridan had thrown a punch at Bovino and pushed him, transcripts show.
The evidence presented by the Justice Department, though, was slim. Bovino didn’t wear a body camera, so prosecutors relied on video from the body camera of Border Patrol agent Jason Epperson. But it didn’t show Sheridan assaulting anyone — though he did call Bovino “a fucking idiot.” In statements to investigators, Bovino and Epperson had offered conflicting accounts of the encounter.
About a month after Sheridan was arrested, prosecutors moved to dismiss the case after a bystander video surfaced showing clearly that Sheridan hadn’t assaulted Bovino.
“I don’t know if I’ve ever experienced something truly that bizarre and absurd as, like, seeing a law enforcement agent concoct a narrative to arrest me, to press charges against me,” said Sheridan, who describes himself as intensely private and was initially reluctant to talk publicly about his arrest. “That was extremely unnerving.”
He remains worried that he’ll be harassed or even physically attacked because of the inflammatory social media posts about him. “What a farce. Every element of it felt staged,” he said.
In a statement to ProPublica and FRONTLINE, Chicago U.S. Attorney Andrew Boutros said, “Our willingness to be open-minded and dismiss cases — or not file charges in the first place — reflects our commitment to do the right thing even in those cases where a crime was committed and the conduct in question clearly falls outside any protected First Amendment activity.” He declined to comment directly on Sheridan’s case.
FRONTLINE and ProPublica showed video of Sheridan’s arrest to Lopez, the former Justice Department attorney. “It’s just a gross abuse of power,” she said. “And we’ve almost normalized that this is how federal law enforcement behaves now. They just arrest people.”
Of the 109 arrests that ProPublica and FRONTLINE documented in the Chicago area, federal prosecutors dropped charges in at least 75 cases.
Felony Charges Downgraded
When Bovino and his forces arrived in North Carolina last November, they were greeted by protesters opposed to the deportation sweeps, as they had been in previous cities.
Heather Morrow was one of them. She had joined a small group of demonstrators, chanting and banging on metal dishes outside an immigration facility in Charlotte when ICE officers confronted the group.
They handcuffed Morrow, 45, and another activist, stuffed them in the back of a federal vehicle and, according to Morrow, kept them there for hours before finally taking her to jail.
“I was so traumatized,” Morrow, a school bus driver and dog boarder, said in an interview. “I didn’t expect them to be so overly aggressive. I really showed up there expecting conversation, making them come to their senses.”
After a full day and night in custody, she was released to face federal felony assault charges. A Department of Justice press release accused her of attacking an ICE officer just as he showed up for his work shift, grabbing his shoulders and trying to jump on his back.
But a shaky phone video circulating on social media showed what appeared to be a very different scene. In it, an officer comes from behind and abruptly tackles Morrow to the pavement. The video doesn’t show her assaulting anyone.
When prosecutors saw the video, they dumped the felony charges. But they promptly filed a new misdemeanor case against Morrow and the other activist, alleging the pair impeded ICE officers and failed to follow their orders. It took a month for Morrow to get her phone back from federal custody, while her other confiscated possessions, including her keys, have been lost, Morrow’s attorney said. Because she’s on pretrial probation, the federal government has seized her passport. Morrow has pleaded not guilty, and her case is ongoing.
In Handcuffs and Intimidated
In early January, Bovino arrived in Minneapolis with his social media team. Within weeks, two activists — Renee Good and Alex Pretti — were shot and killed by immigration agents. The Trump administration immediately portrayed Good as an extremist; Bovino claimed that Pretti was planning to kill federal personnel when he was shot to death.
The killings, which sparked national outcry, would prompt the administration to recalibrate. By Jan. 26, Bovino had been demoted and sent back to his home station in the California desert.
But immigration agents continued to roam the Twin Cities, and activists continued to get arrested.
Civil rights attorneys from around the country gathered in a Minneapolis conference room on Jan. 30 to discuss those arrests.
During a break for lunch, Jon Feinberg, president of the National Police Accountability Project, stepped out of the room and spoke to reporters. “To be charged with a federal crime is something that is life-altering,” said Feinberg, who is based in Philadelphia. “The consequences of being accused and possibly convicted of a federal offense are devastating, especially when people have not engaged in criminal conduct from any reasonable person’s perspective.”
ProPublica and FRONTLINE have identified nearly 80 arrests stemming from the Minnesota immigration sweeps. Most of the cases are still ongoing, though a handful have been dismissed.
Daniel Rosen, the U.S. attorney for Minnesota, did not respond to requests for comment.
One of those arrested was Rebecca Ringstrom, who lives in Blaine, a quiet suburb north of Minneapolis.
Ringstrom, 42, is a member of an activist group that tracks immigration agents as they move around Blaine. “There was a vehicle with four agents inside that I could see. All four were in tactical gear,” she said in an interview with ProPublica and FRONTLINE. “I was able to look at the plate and see that it was a confirmed ICE vehicle.”
Behind the wheel of her Kia, she began following them; Ringstrom insists her driving was safe and lawful. But in a matter of minutes, she’d been arrested and accused of interfering with federal law enforcement.
Ringstrom said an agent at the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building, where she was briefly held after her arrest, said he wished he’d arrested her — because he would’ve made the experience more unpleasant and violent. “There was no reason to say that. I’m already here. I’m in handcuffs. It’s just a way to intimidate,” she recalled.
She was charged with interfering with a federal agent and issued a notice of violation — essentially a ticket — for the misdemeanor offense. Since then, Ringstrom has lined up a pro bono lawyer, but she has also lost her job, “likely due to the ongoing coverage” of her arrest.
She is scheduled to make her first court appearance later this month.
Border Patrol commander Greg Bovino has been sent back to the border after making himself the Nazi scum face of the Trump administration’s brutal efforts to purge this country of as many non-white people as possible.
Bovino made it clear what team he really wanted to play for before Trump was even sworn in for the second time. After Trump’s election win (but before Trump actually took office), Bovino self-authorized an expansive anti-migrant operation without bothering to check in with DHS leadership to make sure he was cleared to do this.
Trump is always capable of recognizing opportunistic thugs whose dark hearts are as corroded as his own. Bovino was swiftly elevated to an unappointed position as the nominal head of Trump’s many inland invasions of cities run by the opposing political party. Bovino embraced the role of shitheel thug, leading directly to court orders that attempted to restrain his brutal actions. Bovino appeared willing to ignore most court orders he was hit with, increasing his brutality and his public contempt of not only court orders, but the judges themselves, who he insulted during public statements to journalists.
After two murders in three weeks, the Trump administration started to realize it has lost the “hearts and minds” battle with most US citizens and residents. While ICE operations continue to be indistinguishable from kidnapping and the DHS is still ambushing migrants attempting to follow the terms of their supervised release agreements, Bovino has become the now-unacceptable personification of the administration’s bigoted war on migrants.
Bovino has been sent back down to the minors, so to speak. He’s been removed from high-profile surges in Chicago and Minneapolis and remanded to his former patrol area, which is much, much closer to the US border where there’s nearly no immigration activity happening thanks to the ongoing war on migrants.
Insubordination is fine as long as it doesn’t create friction Trump may have to eventually deal with. Bovino, however, is just as incapable of picking his battles as the president himself. Too many cocks spoil the broth, as the saying (almost) goes.
Bovino wanted to conduct large-scale immigration sweeps during an operation in Chicago in September, but the acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Todd Lyons,told him the focus was to conduct “targeted operations,” arresting only of people known to federal agents ahead of time for their violations of immigration law or other laws, according to the correspondence.
“Mr. Lyons seemed intent that CBP conduct targeted operations for at least two weeks before transitioning to full scale immigration enforcement,” Bovino wrote in an email to Department of Homeland Security leaders in Washington, referring to Customs and Border Protection, which oversees Border Patrol agents. “I declined his suggestion. We ended the conversation shortly thereafter.”
Keep in mind that Bovino is a Border Patrol commander who was working nowhere near the border. Also, keep in mind that ICE is the lead agency in any immigration enforcement efforts because… well, it’s in the name: Immigration and Customs Enforcement. This is Bovino not only giving the finger to the chain of command, but also insisting his agency (along with the CBP) take the lead in Midwestern apprehensions, despite neither agency having much in the terms of training for inland operations.
The email also revealed a rather bizarre chain of command, with Bovino saying he reported to Noem’s aide, Corey Lewandowski, and appearing to defy Lyons’ authority. “Mr. Lyons said he was in charge, and I corrected him saying I report to Corey Lewandowski,” Bovino reportedly said of the unpaid special government employee.
This email makes one thing perfectly clear: Bovino appeared to believe he answered to no one. And he would only “report” to people he felt wouldn’t push back against his confrontational, rights-violating efforts. This probably would have never been a problem, but Bovino consistently crossed lines that even Trump’s high-level sycophantic bigots were hesitant to cross.
And now he’s the one who is experiencing the “find out” part that usually follows the “fucking around.” He’s been sidelined, perhaps permanently. Acting ICE director Todd Lyons is the new face of Trump’s inland invasions. Kristi Noem herself seems to be on the list of potential cuts, should the administration continue its on-again, off-again pivot to a less outwardly racist agenda when it comes to immigration enforcement.
But I’m not here to damn with faint praise or even damn with faint damnation. I hope Bovino’s last years as a Border Patrol commander are as terrible as his haircut. I hope Todd Lyons veers so far to the middle that Trump shitcans him. I hope Noem is on the path to private sector employment, tainted with the scarlet “T” that means any future version of MAGA won’t even bother to check in with her now that the only people she can make miserable are her own children. Adios, Bovino. Sleep badly.
A couple weeks ago, in the wake of the murder of Renee Good, we wrote about “border czar” Tom Homan’s ridiculous TV comments suggesting that if Democrats didn’t stop calling ICE & CBP murderers for murdering people, that they’d just be forced to murder again. Now that that has happened, with the murder of Alex Pretti, Homan was shipped off to Minneapolis to replace fascist-fashion lover Greg Bovino, and he gave a speech Thursday morning that the press so desperately wanted to portray as him “de-escalating” the mess in Minneapolis.
So much of the coverage is about the supposed “drawdown” of federal troops in Minneapolis:
But, if you listen to his actual words, he’s still the same old Tom Homan, and this is all for show. He talked about how he supposedly “begged” for the toning down of rhetoric:
Homan: "I begged for the last two months on TV for the rhetoric to stop. I said in March — if the rhetoric doesn't stop, there is gonna be bloodshed. And there has been. I wish I wasn't right. I don't want to see anybody die."
Because last I checked, the bloodshed has been entirely one-sided. Citizens of Minneapolis haven’t shot anyone, Tom. Your agents have.
But, instead, Homan only wants the “de-escalation” to go in one direction, saying he demands that the rhetoric against law enforcement be toned down, not the demonization of people throughout the Minneapolis / St. Paul region:
Homan: "I call upon those officials to stand shoulder to shoulder with us to tone down the dangerous rhetoric and condemn all unlawful acts against law enforcement in the community"
Where are the calls to de-escalate the dangerous, hateful language against Somali immigrants? Or asylum seekers? Or anyone exercising their First Amendment rights? Those don’t count, Tom?
And, as Radley Balko points out, Homan has been at the front lines of encouraging violence:
"I'm coming to Boston and I'm bringing hell with me."–Homan in February"Do I expect violence to escalate? Absolutely."– Tom Homan in March"I actually thought about getting up and throwing that man a beating right there in the middle of the room"– Homan in July, referring to a D congressman
So, look, if we want to “tone down the rhetoric” and stop the “bloodshed,” that is entirely on the federal government and people like you, Tom Homan, to do.
But this is Tom Homan. And he can’t help himself. When asked how many ICE & CBP agents are on the ground, he talked about how 3,000 of them are “in theater.” That’s a freaking military term, Tom. You’re admitting that ICE & CBP is an invading force.
Q: Can you be specific about how many ICE and CBP agents are currently operating in the state?HOMAN: 3,000. There's been some rotations. They've been in theater a long time. Day after day, can't eat in restaurants, people spin on you, blowing whistles at you. But my main focus now is draw down
As for the complaint that they “can’t eat in restaurants,” maybe that’s because they’re dining in restaurants, and then kidnapping the staff. Maybe don’t do that?
Also, when asked why they needed 3,000 thugs to invade a city, he lied again, and claimed “because of the threats of violence.”
CNN: How did we get to a place where we had Bovino having Border Patrol agents stopping citizens in interior of the country, asking them ID, creating fear? Who made the decisions to allow this kind of operation to proceed?HOMAN: The reason for the massive deployment is bc of the threats & violence
There has been little violence from citizens of Minneapolis. Just federal officers crashing cars, tear gassing people for no reason at all, kidnapping, beating, and disappearing people. Oh, and shooting at least three people so far. The “threat of violence” came entirely from your forces. Don’t gaslight America and say they had to come because of threats of violence.
You are the threats of violence.
As for the news headlines about a “drawdown,” that’s bullshit as well. In the video above, Homan says the pace of any “drawdown” is dependent on the “hateful rhetoric” stopping. Way to admit to a blatant First Amendment violation, Tom: “the beatings will continue until you’re nicer to us” is a violation of basic fundamental rights.
Homan also admitted that federal thugs will only leave one they get “cooperation” from the city and state governments, getting help in further kidnapping and disappearing more residents.
Homan: "The withdrawal of law enforcement resources here is dependent upon cooperation … as we see that cooperation happen, then the redeployment will happen"
And, so far, the people of Minneapolis are not impressed and have seen no evidence of any such drawdown or de-escalation.
Tom Homan wasn’t sent to de-escalate anything other than all the negative press attention from federal thugs murdering people in the Twin Cities. And most of the media ate it right up.
The story of Minneapolis is not a story of “threats of violence.” It’s a story of violence, murder, and mayhem entirely from federal officers. The story of the people of Minneapolis is a story of a community banding together to help each other and support each other in the face of such unhinged and unnecessary violence.
Mr. Bovino said Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers and Border Patrol agents were probably more experienced at handling young people than “any domestic law enforcement agency.”
“I will say unequivocally that we are experts in dealing with children,” he said. “Not because we want to be, but because we have to be.”
Granted, the punchline is weak and the person delivering it is even weaker, but for ex-Border Patrol commander Greg Bovino — he of the routine violation of court orders and a predilection for Nazi-esque outerwear — to suggest that any part of the anti-migrant hate train is good with children is laughable. That’s some gallows ass humor right there.
Trump didn’t invent separating children from parents when detaining and deporting migrants, but he was the first to turn it into the rule, rather than the tragic exception. His second administration is definitely the one filled with people whose eyes absolutely light up every time they destroy the life of an immigrant.
Here’s what Bovino was defending, while doing his best to talk around the issue. This photo is courtesy of the school that 5-year-old Liam Conejo Ramos attended before being arrested (along with his father) and sent to a detention center more than 1,000 miles away from their home.
That’s a federal officer holding onto the child’s backpack, as if the frightened child might make a run for freedom at any point.
Since that moment went viral, tons of conflicting narratives have been sent out into the public domain. The government has said the usual moronic, hateful stuff about the father being an illegal immigrant who abandoned his child at school when officers closed in on him. The father’s lawyer claims the father has a pending asylum claim, which doesn’t actually make him an illegal immigrant. In fact, it means he can’t be detained or deported until his case is heard.
Stumbling onto the scene following the second execution of a Minneapolis resident in the past three weeks is JD Vance, who was apparently sent out by the president to charm their critics into submission. But being charming or empathetic or otherwise projecting something resembling “normal human being” has never been one of Vance’s skills. So, while he opened up with something approaching respecting the humanity of others — that being that he has a five-year-old of his own — he soon veered in the direction of MAGA incantations to claim the child got everything that was coming to him.
In Minneapolis, Vance sought to appear empathetic toward the child. He declared that he too has a 5-year-old, and said he’d been moved by the story. However, he said he’d done “follow-up research” and discovered that the father was an “illegal alien.”
“Are they not supposed to arrest an illegal alien in the United States of America?” asked Vance, speaking of ICE. He then scoffed: “If the argument is that you can’t arrest people who have violated our laws because they have children, then every single parent is going to be completely given immunity.”
“Follow up research” of course means “handed DHS talking points.” And referring to the father as an illegal alien (repeatedly) is just a lie of convenience. And it’s probably not even an intentional lie, as Greg Sargent points out in The New Republic. It’s just Vance’s worldview — one shared by plenty of people in the administration — getting out ahead of his pathetic attempt to calm the Minnesota waters.
But an even more grotesque Trump-Vance stance here is going unnoticed. Vance simply doesn’t think it’s a misnomer to call the father an “illegal alien,” despite his asylum claim. That’s because Vance plainly doesn’t believe those awaiting asylum adjudication are here legitimately at all. He and Trump have adopted the position that legal loopholes allow them to deport asylum-seekers before their claims are heard.
Everyone Trump wants gone can be labeled an illegal immigrant. All federal officers and prosecutors need to do is strip them of their protected status, revoke their visas, void asylum applications, or dismiss pending immigration cases to convert people following legal pathways towards permanent residence into “illegals” who are supposedly “invading” our country.
And it will do this even though there are vulnerable people — children, the elderly, parents with newborns, people who are likely to be tortured or killed if deported to the countries they fled — in the mix. And then they’ll send someone who’s not quite as abrasive as Trump, Noem, Bovino, Bondi, etc. to soft-sell the horrors the administration will continue to inflict on this nation for the rest of whatever. It’s callous, malicious, and above all, evil for its own sake. It does nothing to make America greater or safer. All it does is make it whiter.
The secret fear of the morally depraved is that virtue is actually common, and that they’re the ones who are alone.
Read that again. It explains so much.
Serwer continues:
In Minnesota, all of the ideological cornerstones of MAGA have been proved false at once. Minnesotans, not the armed thugs of ICE and the Border Patrol, are brave. Minnesotans have shown that their community is socially cohesive—because of its diversity and not in spite of it. Minnesotans have found and loved one another in a world atomized by social media, where empty men have tried to fill their lonely soul with lies about their own inherent superiority. Minnesotans have preserved everything worthwhile about “Western civilization,” while armed brutes try to tear it down by force.
For years now, a certain strain of American political thought has operated on the assumption that human beings are fundamentally selfish, that “community” is a sucker’s game, and that anyone who claims to care about their neighbors is either lying or being paid. It’s the philosophy that undergirds every policy designed to punish rather than help, every sneer at “the woke mind virus,” and every insistence that “facts don’t care about your feelings.”
And then Minneapolis happened.
When the Trump administration surged thousands of armed federal agents into Minnesota—ostensibly over a fraud case that Biden-era prosecutors had already been handling—they seem to have expected one of two things: either cowed compliance or the kind of violent resistance that would justify an even harder crackdown. What they got instead was something that appears to have genuinely baffled them: tens of thousands of ordinary people who simply refused to let their neighbors be dragged away.
Not activists. Not “paid operatives.” Just… people. Moms with minivans full of car seats making grocery deliveries. Dads doing dispatch shifts between work calls. Biologists and lawyers and nurses driving around in the freezing cold, honking at SUVs with out-of-state plates. As Serwer describes it:
Even among those involved in opposing ICE in Minnesota, people have a range of political views. The nonviolent nature of the movement, and the focus on caring for neighbors, has drawn in volunteers with many different perspectives on immigration, including people who might have been supportive if the Trump administration’s claims of a targeted effort to deport violent criminals had been sincere.
The thing that seems to have broken the MAGA brain is that even people who might have supported targeted enforcement of immigration law looked around at what was actually happening—the pregnant women dragged through snow, the doors kicked in, the indiscriminate terror, the senseless killings—and said “no.” Not because they’d been radicalized by some shadowy operation, but because they have eyes and consciences.
Ana Marie Cox, who spent a decade in the Minneapolis/St. Paul region before moving to Texas, wrote for The New Republic about what she calls the “carbon-steel fibers wound together by generations of consistent, need-blind aid”:
Bonds formed under the pressure of negative double-digit windchill are key to understanding what’s happening. It is impossible to get through a Minnesota winter without help, and only sometimes does that assistance come from your neighbors. The stories about people shoveling out or snowblowing an entire block’s driveways without being asked and with no compensation are true, but the real miracles (and just as common) are the times when strangers stop to help someone shovel out a car caught in a snowbank or bring out the kitty litter from their trunk put there just for this kind of emergency. I cannot tell you one story about that happening to me. I have at least three or four. The pun is irresistible: Minnesotans have always declared common cause against ice, they’ve just changed their focus to the ice that you can’t also use for hockey practice.
Cory Doctorow has referred to his “covered dish” dilemma in the past a few times, which goes like this:
“If there’s a disaster, do you go over to your neighbor’s house with: a) a covered dish or b) a shotgun? It’s game theory. If you believe your neighbor is coming over with a shotgun, you’d be an idiot to pick a); if she believes the same thing about you, you can bet she’s not going to choose a) either. The way to get to a) is to do a) even if you think your neighbor will pick b). Sometimes she’ll point her gun at you and tell you to get off her land, but if she was only holding the gun because she thought you’d have one, then she’ll put on the safety and you can have a potluck.”
It’s basically a question of, in times of trouble, will your neighbors seek to take advantage of you. Or will they look to work with you as a community to respond to the adversity you all face.
The MAGA world seems to view only the former as possible. They always show up with shotguns. Reality keeps showing that most people lean towards the latter, and show up with covered dishes.
Minneapolis is showing up with covered dishes. Thousands of them.
This is the part that the JD Vances of the world genuinely cannot comprehend. Vance has said it’s “totally reasonable” for Americans to want to live only near people they “have something in common with,” that social cohesion requires ethnic homogeneity. Minneapolis is proving the exact opposite: that diverse communities can be more cohesive, not less, precisely because they’ve had to build those bonds intentionally.
Serwer captures this beautifully:
If the Minnesota resistance has an overarching ideology, you could call it “neighborism”—a commitment to protecting the people around you, no matter who they are or where they came from. The contrast with the philosophy guiding the Trump administration couldn’t be more extreme.
What’s been particularly striking is how the resistance has explicitly rejected the kind of violent confrontation that the administration seems to have been hoping for. The “commuters”—the volunteers who patrol neighborhoods looking for ICE vehicles—have been trained to follow traffic laws, avoid physical confrontation, and simply bear witness. Their weapons are whistles, phones, and car horns. As one volunteer told Cox in her second piece on the resistance:
“I don’t mean to be flip about this, but they can’t shoot us all.”
There are more of us than there are them. There are more good people in the world than bad. There are more virtuous people who believe in community than angry insecure people who believe that everything is a zero sum game.
And for each act of cruelty, each selfish bit of nonsense from ICE or CBP or the administration, more Minnesotans realize they need to be involved.
The instances of physical violence only goose the number of people willing to be targets. Says Chris, “Every time they attack us, another round of volunteers comes in. We refuse to be cowed.”
And it’s somewhat working. The administration has already been forced to yank Gregory Bovino, the preening Border Patrol commander who seemed to relish his villain role, out of Minneapolis, though they replaced him with Tom Homan (who, to be clear, is basically as bad). But, still, it’s not a sign of strength to be switching leaders and clearly demoting the guy who’d been the face of this invasion. That’s a strategic retreat forced by people whose only armor is their willingness to show up.
The MAGA movement has spent years cultivating what Serwer identifies as a series of “mistaken assumptions”:
The first is the belief that diverse communities aren’t possible… A second MAGA assumption is that the left is insincere in its values, and that principles of inclusion and unity are superficial forms of virtue signaling. White liberals might put a sign in their front yard saying “In This House We Believe…” but they will abandon those immigrants at the first sensation of sustained pressure.
And, as Serwer correctly notes, part of the reason for this belief is that it has kinda been true… for the actual elite, who have spent the last year trying to pretend Trump isn’t doing what he clearly promised to do:
And in Trump’s defense, this has turned out to be true of many liberals in positions of power—university administrators, attorneys at white-shoe law firms, political leaders.
But it turns out that millions of ordinary Americans are not those people. They’re the ones delivering groceries to families too scared to leave their homes, the ones doing laundry for the volunteers doing deliveries, the ones who signed up for constitutional observer training (over 26,000 through just one organization, according to The New Yorker).
Cox captures what this invisible infrastructure looks like:
So much of the resistance is either carried out by women or coded as women’s work—unheralded, boring, unglamorous, and mostly undocumented. “You’re in the middle of resisting fascism, and someone still needs to do laundry,” Chris points out. A single father and a Parent-Teacher Association president, he stepped forward early on to do admin and dispatch, sometimes pulling four-, five-, six-hour shifts.
“I was eating nothing but takeout. I said something, and now I’ve got a full fridge.” The grocery deliveries to immigrant families are vital. What keeps those deliveries happening are the deliveries to the people making deliveries. It’s mutual aid all the way down.
Someone even volunteered to do the other volunteers’ day jobs, the work-work—formatting spreadsheets, answering emails. She volunteered to sit at a desk; she has young kids and doesn’t want to leave them alone. So she offered what she could: clerical skills.
The MAGA bros, full of hate and seething, have been running around X insisting this must all be organized and planned. They talk nonsense about “op sec” and “supply lines” when it’s really just all communities looking out for one another.
There’s a temptation to view all of this through the lens of political tribalism—Team Blue vs. Team Red, libs vs. MAGAs. But that framing misses something important. Pastor Miguel, who leads Iglesia Cristiana La Via in Burnsville and has been organizing food drives for families in hiding, told Serwer:
“One of the things that I believe, and I know most of the Latino community agrees, is that we want the bad people out. We want the criminals out,” Pastor Miguel, who immigrated from Mexico 30 years ago, told me. “All of us came here looking for a better life for us and for our children. So when we have criminals, rapists—when we have people who have done horrible things in our streets, in our communities—we are afraid of them. We don’t want them here.”
He’s not some open-borders absolutist. He’s someone who looked at what ICE was actually doing—picking up people with pending asylum cases, targeting workers with valid permits, terrorizing entire neighborhoods—and recognized it as something other than law enforcement. Then one of his friends, a man he believed had legal status, was picked up by federal agents.
This is what the administration either didn’t anticipate or didn’t care about: that once you deploy armed agents to conduct indiscriminate sweeps through American neighborhoods, you’re making everyone feel hunted. And when everyone feels hunted, everyone has a reason to resist.
Consider Stephen Miller’s ridiculously racist stated belief that “migrants and their descendants recreate the conditions, and terrors, of their broken homelands.” Serwer’s response is devastating:
In Minnesota, the opposite was happening. The “conditions and terrors” of immigrants’ “broken homelands” weren’t being re-created by immigrants. They were being re-created by people like Miller. The immigrants simply have the experience to recognize them.
This gets at something crucial: the people organizing mutual aid networks, running food deliveries, and patrolling for ICE vehicles aren’t doing it because they’ve been brainwashed by some progressive ideology. Many of them are doing it because they or their families have seen this before. They know what occupation looks like. They know what arbitrary state violence looks like. And they know that the only thing that stops it is ordinary people refusing to look away.
This is not a bad time to take groceries to a free fridge in your city. Or maybe: Find a chore to do for a neighbor now, before they need it. Or maybe: Get trained on Naloxone administration. Volunteer to walk dogs. Start a tool library. Learn some names.
Start building those connections. In Doctorow’s terms, bring the covered dish now, so that your neighbors know you won’t bring a shotgun later.
The resistance in Minneapolis wasn’t conjured out of nothing when the federal agents arrived. It was built over decades by people helping each other get through brutal winters, showing up for each other after police killings, and developing the organizational infrastructure that could be activated when the moment demanded it.
Serwer ends his piece with this:
No matter how many more armed men Trump sends to impose his will on the people of Minnesota, all he can do is accentuate their valor. No application of armed violence can make the men with guns as heroic as the people who choose to stand in their path with empty hands in defense of their neighbors. These agents, and the president who sent them, are no one’s heroes, no one’s saviors—just men with guns who have to hide their faces to shoot a mom in the face, and a nurse in the back.
The morally depraved fear that virtue is common. Minneapolis is proving they were right to be afraid. People bringing covered dishes instead of shotguns is terrifying to them. But it’s how civilization actually works—something the MAGA true believers may never understand.
Gregory Bovino has been removed from his role as Border Patrol “commander at large” and will return to his former job in El Centro, California, where he is expected to retire soon, according to a DHS official and two people with knowledge of the change.
Get your popcorn, but only because (hopefully) there’s nothing more to see here:
CBP Commander Gregory Bovino made his bones as a Trump soldier before Trump even took office. He went rogue while still working for the Biden administration, engaging in an anti-migrant sweep that no one in the DHS chain of command had signed off on.
Bovino launched “Return to Sender,” the mission to California’s Central Valley earlier this year, without approval from the Biden administration, the Atlantic magazine reported.
Bovino apparently has always desired to take his work inland, which is pretty much the exact opposite of what you’d expect from anyone working for the US Border Patrol.
But these inland incursions apparently caught Trump’s eye. Shortly after Trump decided the federal government should be in the business of invading cities, Bovino popped up in Chicago and then Minneapolis.
Scapegoating sucks. But if anyone deserves to be thrown under the bus by an administration that suddenly senses it may have gone too far, it’s a guy who thinks the bus is just another power he doesn’t need to answer to.
Bovino’s sudden demotion is the clearest sign yet that the Trump administration is reconsidering its most aggressive tactics after the killing Saturday of 37-year-old Alex Pretti by Border Patrol agents under Bovino’s command.
Earlier today, President Trump appeared to signal in a series of social-media posts a tactical shift in the administration’s mass-deportation campaign. Trump wrote that he spoke with Minnesota Governor Tim Walz—whom the White House has blamed for inciting violence—and the two men are now on “a similar wavelength.” Tom Homan, the former ICE chief whom Trump has designated “border czar,” will head to Minnesota to assume command of the federal mobilization there, Trump said.
Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and her close adviser Corey Lewandowski, who were Bovino’s biggest backers at DHS, are also at risk of losing their jobs, two of the people told me.
[Head’s up: lots of jpegs and sports metaphors upcoming.]
I can only hope these two unnamed people are right. As great as it is to see Bovino get demoted, it would be Christmas nearly a year early to see Kristi Noem kicked to the curb. If all of this does actually happen, it would be the equivalent of involuntary LASIK surgery. (You know, to expediently fix the optics.) My fingers remain crossed.
Meanwhile, Bovino is going to suffer the relative humiliation of being sent down to the minors. Sure, his pitch-perfect blend of Cap Anson and John Rocker may have played well early on, but now that dudes with more money than training are killing US citizens on nearly a weekly basis, the time has come to reconsider this dance with the whitest of white devils. (To be fair to John Rocker, at least he expressed remorse for the things he said. Anson never did. And I suspect Bovino never will either.)
Bovino has become the JaMarcus Russell to Trump’s Al Davis [switching to football if you’re scoring at home]{and if you’re scoring at home, high five! NICE!}] — someone who looked like a sure thing early on but swiftly proved himself to be an embarrassment of historic proportions.
Or maybe it’s just some sort of professional jealousy. Trump likes to be the focal point for media bullshitting and Bovino has periodically made Trump look almost rational.
Or… maybe it’s something else. Maybe Trump has decided there can only be one prominent official with completely improbable hair and it certainly won’t be this cocky upstart from the California border.
Bovino repeatedly claimed that Border Patrol agents, not Pretti, were the victims.
Hmmm. I thought we were supposed to blame the victims when federal officers execute people. If the real victims are the federal po-po, maybe they shouldn’t have been where they were when they were there. If they knew what was good for them, they would have stayed away from areas where they might trip over each other in their haste to pump a full clip into someone who already wasn’t moving.
Bovino will have to go back to pomading his hair plugs closer to the border. While that will certainly suck for the recipients of whatever abuse Greg “hell hath no fury like a tiny man with anger issues scorned” Bovino inflicts in response to getting benched, it’s at least a trailing indicator that the “might means we’ve righter than any country has been in history historically, you should read the books about it they’re magnificent” administration may finally be recognizing there’s only so far you can push Americans before even the people who are fully MAGA cooked will turn on you.
The thing with an invasion is that it makes enemies of everyone being invaded, even those who may nominally support the end goal. Law enforcement officers and officials are no exception, especially when they see the invading force creating problems they shouldn’t be expected to solve.
Trump has treated multiple American cities like war zones. Of course, they’ve always been cities overseen by members of the Democratic party, which actually makes this a lot worse, since it shows everyone — including local law enforcement — that this isn’t actually about enforcing laws.
This dates all the way back to Trump sending National Guard troops to Los Angeles to assist with handling what the administration constantly referred to as “violent protests,” despite all evidence to the contrary. Law enforcement officials made it clear they could handle the protests that were happening and that adding National Guard units to the hundreds of federal officers would only make things worse.
And, of course, that’s exactly what happened. This has repeated itself in every city this regime has invaded. When local cops bristle at the incursion or officials make it clear they don’t feel obligated to finish the fights the fed’s roving gang of kidnappers pick, the administration claims the representatives of the cities it’s invaded just don’t love America enough.
None of that ultimately matters. The administration will continue to treat every complaint as sedition and every protester as a terrorist. Its officers will go far beyond what any pack of rogue cops would dare to do — past bending or breaking rules to simply acting as though there are no rules at all.
Some local and state law-enforcement leaders who have seen the agency’s tactics up close are voicing concerns that agents have strayed from the administration’s stated focus on public-safety threats.
In Maine, Sheriff Kevin Joyce was among the local law-enforcement officials who met with border czar Tom Homan nearly a year ago to hear the Trump administration’s immigration-enforcement priority: the removal of people with serious criminal records.
It was a mission the 39-year law-enforcement veteran could support.
But on Thursday, Joyce publicly issued blistering criticism of federal agents, accusing ICE of “bush-league policing” after he said they detained one of his corrections officers, a migrant authorized to work in the U.S., on a roadside in Portland, Maine.
In Minnesota, it’s even worse. Federal officers have executed two Minneapolis residents in broad daylight (and wounded another). In both cases, local law enforcement was told it was not allowed to investigate these shootings.
After a federal agent shot and killed a man on Saturday, Minneapolis Police Chief Brian O’Hara said he was told over the radio his local officers weren’t needed.
O’Hara ordered his officers not to leave the crime scene. He then requested the state’s top criminal investigators take the case, but when Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension investigators arrived they were blocked by federal Homeland Security officers, the bureau said.
[…]
It was the first time Evans could recall state investigators with jurisdiction over a crime scene being denied access by federal officers.
“We’re in uncharted territory here,” he said. The Department of Homeland Security didn’t immediately reply to a request for comment.
That’s fucked up. This isn’t any better:
Regular citizens aren’t the only ones complaining to police about ICE. On Tuesday, several police chiefs in the Minneapolis-St. Paul area held an unusual press conference: They said federal agents had stopped, along with local residents, some off-duty police officers “for no cause” and asked them to prove their citizenship.
Mark Bruley, the police chief of Brooklyn Park, a Minneapolis suburb, said chiefs had received “endless complaints” and that off-duty police officers—all people of color—had experienced the same treatment. In one case, he said, one of his officers was stopped as she drove past ICE. The agents boxed her in, knocked her phone from her hand when she tried to record them, and had their guns drawn, he said.
“If it’s happening to our officers, it pains me to think of how many of our community members it is happening to every day,” Bruley said.
Even if the administration can see what’s happening, it’s fifty-fifty whether it recognizes the danger of what it is and just doesn’t care or is simply too brutish to see the future it’s creating.
The administration complains about sanctuary cities and demands every law enforcement agency serve its needs, no matter what nastiness it chooses to engage in. But not every law enforcement official (along with many of the people who work for them) is interested in damaging whatever long-term relationships they might have built with the communities they serve just because the federal government wants some fuck buddies while it’s in town.
And none of this is going to go away, no matter how many times violent stooges like (suddenly former) Border Patrol head Greg Bovino says blatantly untrue things during press conferences:
“Everything we do every day is legal, ethical, moral, well-grounded in law.”
Not a single word of that is true. And the cops you expect to back you up when you engage in illegal, immoral, or unethical actions aren’t interested in helping you dig yourself out of your own holes. DHS components no longer engage in good faith with law enforcement when hunting down migrants. Nor do they cooperate with the locals when they have questions about agents’ actions.
Administration leaders think the country serves the federal government, rather than the other way around. And as often as cops can be just as awful as these federal interlopers, at least there’s a modicum of oversight still in operation that might occasionally deter, if not actually punish, wrongdoing by officers. None of that exists at the federal level. Federal officers aren’t expected to answer to anyone and they know it. That much is obvious from their everyday behavior.
But the federal government needs the support of local law enforcement, especially one that thinks it’s going to be able to oppress its way out of any situation it puts itself in. Losing the rank-and-file is something a lot of GOP legislators can’t afford, not with the midterms coming up. This party is poison and even those you’d expect to have the administration’s back are beginning to back away from America’s most toxic asset as quickly as possible.
Whether the Trump administration likes it or not, the right to a fair trial still exists. And even the person the government is now subjecting to what looks a whole lot like a vindictive prosecution is still a beneficiary of this right.
Kilmar Abrego Garcia was deported to El Salvador’s infamous CECOT earlier this year along with another hundred-plus deportees the country’s dictator agreed to take off the United States’ hands in exchange for a few million dollars.
Garcia kept fighting this deportation, arguing that it had violated his due process rights. The administration kept fighting to keep Garcia silent and locked in a foreign hellhole. The administration lost. A court ordered his return to the US. Nothing got much better once Abrego Garcia returned. The government whipped up an extremely questionable criminal case against him in order to keep him jailed. Then it offered him the unpalatable option of pleading guilty to a bunch of criminal charges or being deported to other countries with similarly miserable histories of human rights violations.
The government won’t have to provide that answer for another couple of weeks yet. In the meantime, though, it no longer has a trial date to look forward to. That’s been set aside as the court awaits the govenrment’s explanation for its actions. The government has also been hit with a gag order that is supposed to prevent government officials from further disparaging Abrego Garcia with public comments and social media posts.
It violated that gag order almost immediately, with DHS sub-boss Tricia McLaughlin reposting a far-right podcaster’s declaration that Abrego Garcia was a “MS-13 terrorist.” This is the sort of thing the administration has been doing ever since it was forced to respect Abrego Garcia’s rights.
The government definitely shouldn’t be doing this, especially those involved with his arrest, deportation, detainment, or otherwise expected to possibly testify against Abrego Garcia in court. Now, as Politico’s Josh Gerstein points out at Bluesky, Abrego Garcia is seeking sanctions because another government official with a penchant for blatantly ignoring court orders — Border Patrol Commander Gregory Bovino — is doing the sort of thing thiscourt order [PDF] explicitly forbids.
Once again, the government has responded to a Court order with which it disagrees by pretending it doesn’t exist. Mr. Abrego moved for sanctions based on senior DHS official Gregory Bovino’s flagrant violation of this Court’s October 27 Order (Dkt. 183, the “Order”) governing extrajudicial statements relating to this case. (Dkt. 271). The government’s brief opposing that motion largely ignores the Order.
[…]
Nor, in any event, can Mr. Bovino’s statements seriously be characterized as ones “that a reasonable lawyer would believe [are] required to protect a client from the substantial undue prejudicial effect of recent publicity” or “limited to such information as is necessary to mitigate the recent adverse publicity.” Far from being “meek,” as the government ludicrously characterizes them (Dkt. 282 at 7), Mr. Bovino’s statements include descriptions of Mr. Abrego as “an MS-13 gang member…ready to prey on Americans yet again,” “a wife-beater,” “an alien smuggler,” and someone who “wants to…leech off the United States.” Mr. Bovino went on to describe the judges presiding over Mr. Abrego’s civil and criminal cases as “activist” and “extremist.”
Abrego Garcia’s continue to press the case for sanctions against the administration, adding to the mix the comments DHS Undersecretary made late last week in apparent violation of the still-standing gag order:
On December 27, 2025, DHS Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs Tricia McLaughlin shared a post on X stating: “MS-13 terrorist Kilmar Abrego Garcia was released by a rogue judge and is now making TikToks.” Ms. McLaughlin added: “So we, at @DHSgov, are under gag order by an activist judge and Kilmar Abrego Garcia is making TikToks. American justice ceases to function when its arbiters silence law enforcement and give megaphones to those who oppose our legal system.” Neither Mr. Bovino’s nor Ms. McLaughlin’s statements “protect” the government—they defame Mr. Abrego, this Court, and the Federal District Court for the District of Maryland.
On top of asking for sanctions this court has yet to deliver, Abrego Garcia wants to know who’s handling what in the upper echelons of the administration, since it’s become apparent that not even high-ranking officials appear to be concerned that they’re violating court orders.
The Court should grant Mr. Abrego’s requests that the government be ordered to disclose (1) whether and how the prosecution provided relevant DHS employees with a copy of the Order, (2) who authorized Mr. Bovino and Ms. McLaughlin to speak about Mr. Abrego’s case, and (3) what guidance that person or persons gave Mr. Bovino and Ms. McLaughlin about what they could and could not say on national television or social media, as well as all communications between counsel for the government and Mr. Bovino, Ms. McLaughlin, or DHS regarding Mr. Bovino’s and Ms. McLaughlin’s statements, including any attempts to obtain a retraction or apology, so that the Court may determine the appropriate course of action.
It’s a long shot and the government is sure to insist that pretty much everything listed here is a privileged communication between lawyers and government officials. But there’s a chance some of this might actually make its way into open court, which will allow the American public to see how this administration operates when it clearly feels it doesn’t have to answer to anything but its basest urges.
Border Patrol commander Gregory Bovino has already made a name for himself during Trump’s second administration. He began making this name by engaging in an unapproved sweep of the area he controlled in California as Trump was still waiting to be sworn in.
Then he was sent to Chicago by a vengeful Trump who wanted to see as many people in the state harmed for no other reason than he didn’t like the politicians running the state and the city. While Trump was prevented from flooding Chicago streets with National Guard troops, Commander Bovino did everything he could to turn federal forces into full-time assailants. And by “everything,” I mean things from lying about being attacked (to justify force deployments) to personally violating court orders limiting the use of force by federal officers.
Judge Sara Ellis has been handling the lawsuit brought against federal agencies since their invasion of the Windy City. (And she’s already seen one of her orders blocked by the Seventh Circuit Appeals Court.) What should be a final ruling (pending review by the appellate court, which has also already placed a stay on this order) has been handed down by Judge Ellis. And that order makes it clear the federal government has done nothing but lie since being forced to answer questions in court.
“While Defendants may argue that the Court identifies only minor inconsistencies, every minor inconsistency adds up, and at some point, it becomes difficult, if not impossible, to believe almost anything that Defendants represent,” Judge Sarah Ellis wrote about the administration in a scathing 233-page ruling.
And scathing it is. Aaron Reichlin-Melnick does a good job hitting a lot of the low points in this long Bluesky thread. We’ll do more of that here, because the amount of lying done here is staggering in both its expansiveness and its implication: that the Trump administration (in all forms) apparently believes no system of checks and balances can hold it back.
Here’s how little the government cared about the lawsuit brought against it, much less the people it harmed on its way to being sued. From the opinion [PDF]:
Plaintiffs submitted a mountain of evidence, providing the Court with over eighty declarations, numerous videos and articles, and other evidence. Defendants did not rebut anything that Plaintiffs set forth in their declarations or testimony, even with BWC footage.
That’s just galling. Most defendants will at least try to defend themselves from accusations. The government — taking the form of multiple federal agencies participating in Trump’s “Midway Blitz” operation — couldn’t even be bothered to do that. Instead, it just kept on being violent, secure in the knowledge that courts can’t actually keep them from violating rights. They can, at best, only slow them down a bit.
What the government did offer in its defense undercut its claims immediately.
Presumably, these portions of the videos would be Defendants’ best evidence to demonstrate that agents acted in line with the Constitution, federal laws, and the agencies’ own policies on use of force when engaging with protesters, the press, and religious practitioners. But a review of them shows the opposite—supporting Plaintiffs’ claims and undermining all of Defendants’ claims that their actions toward protesters, the press, and religious practitioners have been, as Bovino has stated, “more than exemplary.”
Here comes the litany:
For example, Defendants directed the Court to two videos of agents outside the Broadview facility the evening of September 19, 2025. In those videos, agents stand behind a fence preparing to leave the facility’s gates and disperse what Defendants described as an unruly mob. The scene appears quiet as the gate opens, revealing a line of protesters standing in the street holding signs.
Almost immediately and without warning, agents lob flashbang grenades, tear gas, and pepper balls at the protesters, stating, “fuck yea!”, as they do so, and the crowd scatters. This video disproves Defendants’ contentions that protesters were the ones shooting off fireworks, refusing orders, and acting violently so as to justify the agents’ use of force.
More:
On September 26, 2025, video from an agent’s BWC shows a line of agents standing at least thirty feet away from protesters outside the Broadview facility on Harvard Street. Despite this distance, the agents start yelling “move back, move back” to the protesters and then shoot pepper balls and tear gas at them without any apparent justification.
Still more:
Defendants also highlighted an October 3, 2025 video, presumably to show that agents driving the streets faced constant danger from cars ramming them on purpose. But instead of leaving this impression, the video, which almost entirely consists of a view of the back seat of the car and some dialogue about how the agent’s “body cam is on” and he is “still recording,” suggests that the agent drove erratically and brake-checked other motorists in an attempt to force accidents that agents could then use as justifications for deploying force.
This is a 233-page deconstruction of every lie and false assertion made by the government. There’s a lot to see here and it should be seen because every lie told by the government should mean something to anyone who still cares about democracy.
But we’re only nine pages in and already the judge is telling it like it is, ensuring that no one who doesn’t have the patience to go through the entire opinion will come away with the wrong impression after skimming through the first dozen pages or so:
These are not the only inconsistencies and incredible representations in the record. While Defendants may argue that the Court identifies only minor inconsistencies, every minor inconsistency adds up, and at some point, it becomes difficult, if not impossible, to believe almost anything that Defendants represent.
Pretty much everyone called to testify on behalf of the government lied to some degree in hopes of salvaging some truly insane (and literally incredible) claims:
[W]hen questioned about these instances in his deposition, [ICE Field Office Director] Hott acknowledged that he did not even know if it was a person that caused the damage to the downspout, much less a protester, and that he did not have proof that the agent’s beard was actually ripped off his face.
[…]
Bovino’s and Hewson’s explanations about individuals in maroon hoodies being associated with the Latin Kings and threats strains credulity.
More on Bovino:
Turning to Bovino, the Court specifically finds his testimony not credible. Bovino appeared evasive over the three days of his deposition, either providing “cute” responses to Plaintiffs’ counsel’s questions or outright lying.
[…]
Most tellingly, Bovino admitted in his deposition that he lied multiple times about the events that occurred in Little Village that prompted him to throw tear gas at protesters.
The entire opinion makes it clear federal officers routinely engaged in unprovoked violence and then lied about their actions in court. They were ostensibly led by Gregory Bovino, who provided an example for them to follow by personally engaging in plenty of unprovoked violence himself and who, when called to testify, acted like the whole thing was beneath him and was a suitable target for his open mockery.
Bovino has since been sent elsewhere, not because Trump wants to stop him from generating further negative press or court precedent, but because Trump wants him to engage in the same sort of unconstitutional cruelty for as long as possible before litigation ensues.
Bovino is the perfect front man for Trump’s bigoted attacks on cities and states he doesn’t like. Like Trump himself, Bovino wraps himself in the flag. And just like Trump, the only reason he does is so he can wipe his ass with it, staining everything it’s supposed to stand for.
