Take Back Our Digital Infrastructure To Save Democracy
from the a-time-to-build dept
Watch the tech oligarchs who lined up behind Donald Trump at his inauguration, and you’ll see the most important story of our time: the fascists are winning because they’ve built a direct pipeline from concentrated technological power to concentrated political power.
This isn’t about technology being inherently dangerous—it’s about how distorted Wall Street incentives drove us toward digital infrastructure that mirrors authoritarian power structures. Through bullying, threats, and coercion, Trump moved to turn the chokepoints of the centralized internet to his advantage. The MAGA world discovered that when digital platforms become centralized and authoritarian, democratic institutions will follow.
But here’s what the oligarchs don’t want you to understand: the same underlying technologies enabling this power concentration can be architected to resist it. The key isn’t begging for better billionaires or smarter regulations—it’s recognizing that decentralization isn’t a technical preference, it’s a democratic necessity.
The same authoritarian capture that took over centralized social media is already threatening AI systems as well. Just as we’ve watched Musk morph Twitter’s algorithms into X’s non-stop amplification of his personal political preferences, we’re seeing AI systems designed to reflect the biases and political agendas of their corporate owners. But this pattern isn’t inevitable. We need to understand that AI doesn’t have to be another tool of oppression. Designed correctly, it can be a weapon of liberation.
How Concentration Breeds Control
The concentration of digital power wasn’t an accident—it was the inevitable result of Wall Street incentives that rewarded greater centralized control over user empowerment.
Here’s how it happened: investor demands required tool builders to seek ever-greater returns, which meant transitioning from building user-empowering tools to controlling infrastructure. The most successful companies stopped building ever more useful services and started focusing on how to better extract rents from digital chokepoints—the equivalent of privatizing roads, then charging tolls.
These companies colonized the open internet, turning their services into necessary but proprietary infrastructure. They erected barriers to entry, barriers to exit, and tollbooths for everyone else, with your attention as the price of admission.
The result is what Cory Doctorow famously called the enshittification curve: platforms start by empowering users, evolve to capture them, and end by exploiting them. Wall Street’s demand that only investors matter as stakeholders strips away user agency with each step and hands it to corporate overlords.
And corporate overlords, it turns out, are natural allies for authoritarians. When you control the digital infrastructure that shapes how people communicate, learn, and organize, you become an attractive partner for anyone seeking political control. The promise of regulatory capture, government contracts, and protection from competition makes the bargain irresistible.
This convergence wasn’t inevitable—it was a choice made by people who confused convenience with empowerment, scale with value, and engagement with democracy.
The consequences are everywhere: platforms that enabled the Arab Spring and #MeToo are now coordinating genocides and undermining trust in elections. Tools that connected marginalized communities are promoting fascist agendas. And the tech oligarchs who built these systems are now literally standing behind authoritarians at inaugurations.
Digital Infrastructure Is Democratic Infrastructure
Most people still don’t understand the core insight: digital infrastructure and democratic infrastructure are the same thing.
Democracy is the ultimate decentralized technology. It distributes power away from kings and aristocrats to the people—imperfectly, through struggle, but fundamentally. The early internet promised to do the same for information, communication, and commerce. Anyone could publish, reach audiences, and break down barriers between producers and consumers, experts and amateurs, the powerful and powerless.
But Wall Street’s demand for exponential returns required fencing off the digital commons. The billionaires rebuilt the old gatekeeping systems in digital form, turning tools of value creation into mechanisms of value extraction. They offered convenience in exchange for control, scale in exchange for agency, connection in exchange for confinement within their walled gardens.
As Taiwan’s former digital minister, Audrey Tang, explained, democracy and digital freedom aren’t separate concepts—they’re the same thing. When digital platforms become centralized and authoritarian, democratic institutions follow the same pattern. When we surrender control over our digital lives, we surrender control over our political lives.
The concentration of digital infrastructure inevitably leads to the concentration of political power. That’s why the battle for decentralization is fundamentally a battle for democracy itself.
The Path Forward: Protocols, Not Platforms
The solution isn’t building better platforms—it’s making platforms an obsolete concept.
Platforms concentrate power; protocols distribute it. Platforms extract value from users; protocols enable users to create value for themselves. Most importantly: platforms can be captured by bad actors, but protocols resist capture by design.
This resistance isn’t theoretical. We’re seeing it emerge across multiple projects—from the AT Protocol to ActivityPub to nostr. The key insight is architectural: when you separate identity, data storage, and algorithmic curation into different services, no single entity can control the whole system. Users can choose their own moderation services rather than trusting corporate decisions. They can customize their information diet rather than accepting engagement-maximizing feeds. They can control their own data and move between services without losing their social connections.
They have choice. They have transparency. They have their own intentions controlling things, rather than some unseen entity driven by unaligned incentives.
The same architectural principles apply to AI—perhaps the most critical battleground for digital power today. Centralized AI services don’t just mine your data for corporate benefit; they can shape your thinking, limit your capabilities, and make you dependent on their infrastructure. But it doesn’t need to be that way.
We’re already seeing the emergence of open source models, opportunities to control your own system prompts (as DuckDuckGo recently introduced), and smaller distilled models that work in decentralized environments. Projects are emerging to give people more power over their own data, letting you decide how AI can interact with your information, rather than the AI system slurping up everything it can about you.
This isn’t about technical preferences—it’s about the difference between renting someone else’s vision of how you should think and work versus building your own.
The Technological Poison Pill
The beauty of truly decentralized systems is that they’re extremely resistant to capture.
This is what I call the technological poison pill: systems architected so that growth makes them harder to capture, not easier. Traditional centralized platforms become more valuable targets for authoritarians as they scale. Properly designed protocols become more resilient against capture as adoption increases.
Protocol-based systems demonstrate this principle by distributing different functions across services that no single entity controls. Even if one implementation gets captured by bad actors, users can retain their data, connections, and digital identity while moving to alternative services. The architecture makes takeover attempts self-defeating—the very structure that creates value also prevents consolidation of control.
The same principle applies to AI infrastructure. When you control your own models, data, and computational resources, no corporation can unilaterally change terms of service or start mining your conversations. The more people control their own AI infrastructure, the less valuable centralized AI services become as tools of control.
Breaking the Helplessness Loop
The concentration of digital power has trained us to beg for scraps from our digital overlords—and that learned helplessness may be more dangerous than the concentration itself.
Every week brings demands that tech giants “do better” or that governments “crack down” on platforms. But this approach assumes we need permission from powerful entities to fix the internet. It transforms what should be user empowerment into a performance of powerlessness.
This helplessness isn’t accidental—it serves the interests of concentrated power. The more we believe we need tech giants to solve our problems, the more indispensable they become. The more we focus on regulating existing platforms instead of building alternatives, the more we entrench their dominance. The more we beg politicians to save us, the more attractive these companies become as partners for authoritarians seeking control.
The tech oligarchs standing behind Trump at his inauguration represent the logical endpoint of this dynamic: when digital infrastructure owners become kingmakers, democracy becomes a performance staged on their platforms.
But this endpoint isn’t inevitable—it’s the result of choices we can still change.
The Choice Before Us
The underlying infrastructure that enabled our current digital dystopia can enable something radically different: a genuinely democratic digital ecosystem where users control their own experiences, data, and tools.
But this future requires active choice. It means learning new tools, supporting new protocols, and building new habits. It means moving beyond the comfortable convenience of corporate platforms and taking responsibility for digital sovereignty.
The alternative is continued concentration of power in the hands of billionaires who literally stand behind authoritarians at inaugurations, viewing democracy as an obstacle to their vision of control.
Yes, decentralization creates challenges—technical complexity, potential for abuse, fragmentation. But these aren’t arguments against decentralization; they’re arguments for designing it thoughtfully. Democratic institutions have always grappled with similar tensions between distributed power and effective governance. The solution isn’t to abandon democratic principles but to architect systems that embody them while addressing their practical challenges.
The same principle applies to digital infrastructure. Tradeoffs exist, but they don’t justify accepting concentrated control any more than political tradeoffs justify accepting authoritarianism. We can build decentralized systems that address concerns about complexity and abuse without centralizing power in the hands of corporate oligarchs.
Digital Democracy or Concentrated Control?
The choice before us is stark: do we build democratic digital infrastructure, or do we accept permanent concentrated control?
Digital democracy means building systems that embody democratic values—transparency over opacity, user agency over corporate control, distributed power over centralized authority. It means using AI as a tool of personal liberation rather than corporate surveillance. It means supporting protocols that resist capture rather than platforms that court it.
Most importantly, it means rejecting the learned helplessness that treats concentrated tech power as inevitable rather than recognizing it as a temporary arrangement we can change.
The tools exist. Open protocols are maturing. AI models are being democratized. Decentralized infrastructure is becoming viable. The question isn’t technical capability—it’s political will.
Will we choose the difficult work of building democratic digital infrastructure? Or will we continue asking permission from oligarchs and authoritarians?
The battle for the open internet and the battle for democracy aren’t separate fights—they’re the same fight. The future of our digital lives is the future of democracy itself.
We can accept concentrated control over our digital lives, or we can build democratic infrastructure of our own. The choice is ours, but the window for making it won’t stay open forever.
Filed Under: concentration, control, decentralization, democracy, empowerment, enshittification, extraction, fasism, institutions, protocols not platforms, social media




Comments on “Take Back Our Digital Infrastructure To Save Democracy”
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“The power we denied we have is a threat to democracy now that others have it.”
Thank you
I have been pondering this concept often. I don’t see a way out of our current capitalist anti-democratic hellscape stuffed to the brim with misinformation and rage bait without abandoning platforms for a decentralized system where people choose, not have an algorithm choose for them.
I never really understood why the somewhat decentralized web1.0 was abandoned for platforms like twitter, facebook, and Instagram. Not being a part of those platforms ensures I will not patronize nor see content from companies or social groups exclusively advertising on them. When people started using facebook to post events, I was mystified because how can anyone without facebook view it? Why do small companies refuse to maintain a website, but maintain a social media presence? It just blocks out patrons and chains them to these platforms. Open blogs or websites of hobbyists just showing what they did and how they did it, became locked behind gates and converted to people trying to sell popularity. Simple text explanations converted to bloated videos full of ads that take ten times as long to make and are a fraction as useful.
Maybe I’m just an old man ranting at clouds, but it sure seems any innovations of the past ten years provide no benefit except to funnel personal information to people seeking to profit off you while crippling services and the ability to find useful information.
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People want gatekeepers, not “spam.”
AI slop isn’t spam of course it’s content.
Re: The allure of "going viral" built centralized social media
One of the biggest attractions of centralized social media to its prospective users, was the promise that they’d be able to upload content (including big files such as videos) where it could be downloaded in a timely manner by potentially millions of other users.
Such a capability demands an extremely high (and expensive) bandwidth capacity, and centralized social media pays for this capacity by spying on its users in order to push ads to them.
This is why centralized social media leads to an enshittified extractive attention economy, while older forms of socializing on line (such as email, USENET and even older Web 2.0 forms like blogs and web forums) do not.
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Disconnected
Yesterday’s reports show that now Bluesky liberals are attacking and attempting to ban other liberals (allegedly for not being left-wing enough!), further angering and fragmenting the user base. An even more decentralized system will simply result in even smaller and more isolated echo chambers. The protocols don’t matter, and political will doesn’t matter. Few folks will consider a platform whose first instinct is to deliberately fail the Gowin’s Rule test. Noone is listening.
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Are you a sub and slave? Because you seem to be demanding to have a master.
Koby, the beta.
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These are things that did not happen. I get that you live in an information bubble that fills your empty skull with bullshit, but this is pure bullshit.
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It absolutely happened, and happens constantly. Funny that you mentioned “information bubble”…bluesky is an echo chamber (same thing, better name) designed for people who desire ever smaller and purer echo chambers. That is why it is objectively dying.
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I’ve made the joke before, but you keep making it relevant.
Koby: “My echo chamber says everyone else is living in an echo chamber, so it must be true!”
Cory has an excellent recent article on why that isn’t sufficient, and we need to care about regulation. https://pluralistic.net/2025/07/31/unsatisfying-answers/#systemic-problems
Technical solutions can help, but they aren’t going to solve the problem alone.
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I think Mr Doctorow is just very naive to continue, in 2025, to believe that centralizing power is a good thing. It’s not enough to say “well, just put better people in charge.” Eventually, the reins will get handed to some nutjob and the whole thing is going to crash and burn.
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The core thrust of Cory’s piece is stuff like to passing privacy laws, strengthening antitrust and anti-monopoly rules, and enabling stronger collective bargaining for workers. Kneecapping Big Tech power that way.
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The kicker is, to force that realization at scale, you need a large, very ugly, and long lasting, disruptive shock to the system.
At this point there is no shock to the system that won’t cost between a quarter and a half of the lives of the US population.
World war 2 was 15 million military personnel and 38 million civilian casualties, the necessary wholesale annihilation of MAGA as a political platform whether through initial authoritarian or democratic means or some combination thereof, and then a restoration to a solid democratic socialist economy with center-left principles leaning mildly progressive, is going to cost far more than that over 10 years starting now.
It’ll happen eventually but there will be lots of reasons to lose hope multiple times in the process and a lot of close family members disappearing or worse, or some prior and concurrent emigration to get out of the conflict for a while until the necessary forces are in the political wilderness for another century.
Decentralized protocols can certainly help with this because Balkanization of the Internet was an inevitable next step, although AI scraping may make it harder than it should otherwise be because not all protocols will have Cloudflares defending them.
In the worst case scenario you might have to build out an entire separate physical Internet structure and another new version of HTTP and TCP/IP, but just network certification tells even the dimmest technician that this is completely possible to do within a lifetime.
I currently run my own home server off of a old desktop. I’m currently in the process of finishing my own basic fitness tracking app as an initial simple app.
For me, it isn’t just about the fact that things are taking all my info, or being bricked, it’s that they all just SUCK. They don’t work the way I need, or are just buggy as hell. I’m tired of paying for half working software.
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Are the “fascists” in the room with you right now?
You just lost an election. That’s it. You lost an election because you believe ridiculous, nonsense things and most people disagreed with you.
Liberals seem to scream “fascist!”, “racist!” the most when their unlawful or very “norm breaking” actions are overturned in very normal and lawful ways. Yes, all the illegal aliens are going to be deported, yes that’s very legal, in fact demanded by the law. No, you can’t have men play in women’s sports and yes trying to have them do so IS a violation of Title IX rather than demanded by it just you tried change what words mean.
You’re not persecuted, there are no “fascists”. Just all your ideas are bad and you should feel bad.
And now you’re pretty blatantly filtering comments and it’s all just kinda delightful and vindicating.
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“Just because I persecute racial minorities, support an unaccountable authoritarian executive, and tout chauvinist regressive nationalism doesn’t mean I’m a fascist! And if you say otherwise, you’re just der Lügenpresse!”
I don’t want to speak for him too much, but I don’t think his thesis is that centralizing power is a good thing. His thesis is that systemic issues need systemic solutions. That can include decentralization. But since we live in a society, that necessarily means addressing problems as a society- which also means things like antitrust laws, privacy laws, etc. In addition to, not in place of.
He has some excellent examples of why- One is the DMCA. That’s a case where the technical abilities of hackers to force things like interoperability often exists, but it’s foreclosed by the law (see also more recent examples like proposed VPN bans). He also makes a very good point about human behavior, with his Facebook/Ticketmaster examples.
And I think that shows the two big flaws with just a technical approach. a) Technical defenses can be trumped by the law, and b) human behavior leaves openings that companies can and will use to work around decentralized systems and tempt people into walled gardens.
The reason we’re here in the first place is because people don’t stick to choosing the decentralized option. The implicit reason in Mike’s article is because this technology didn’t exist previously, but there are plenty of examples where it did (RSS!), and people still didn’t stick with it. RSS as a protocol still exists, and it’s very enshittification resistant, but companies effectively neutralized it as meaningful counterbalance at scale. (We see this on the non-tech side as well, with people opting into watching Fox)
I think it’s an open question of how inevitable that is. It feels like it now, but it’s not clear how much of that is a symptom of mistakes like media/education capture.
But more importantly, unless we go back to some anarchic society (we’re not), we’re always going to have centralized political power in terms of things like regulators. So if it is inevitable, then you’re getting the nutjobs regardless. We’re going to want to optimize both in making regulators as good as possible, and also making things resistant to when they go wrong. Decentralization has a role in that, but it can’t bear the load by itself. We need to fight on every front, not just one. Even if things like anti-trust get torn down, having them there (and rebuilding them) is better than never having them at all.
And tbh, I’d say “better billionaires” is another axis- except the better billionaire is one that doesn’t exist. Money is power. We live in a society, and even if you’re uninterested in politics, politics is interested in you.
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Okay, I’m going to show my libertarianism a little here in saying this but, limited government and decentralized authority is not anarchy. It doesn’t mean there’s no levers of power to stop people from doing bad stuff. It’s about taking away the ability of one body (let alone one person) to pull those levers. It’s about accepting that nutjobs exist and will make it into government and designing government and society in such a way that they can do as little harm as possible.
In a well-ordered functioning republic Donald Trump wouldn’t be a problem. His ability to do the crazy would be checked by a simple inability to act on his own. One crazy man every now and then is a guarantee. Simultaneously getting a crazy guy and 51+% of two chambers of congress and the Supreme Court who all simultaneously decide to down all the stupid pills should be basically impossible… though that did just happen.
I dunno anymore really. I’m just inherently suspicious of any power of the government to pick winners and losers. Regulations never fix problems. The lobbyists make sure they simply lock out anyone who could disrupt the cartel. That’s the lens I see the world through, but I am beginning to feel like the system doesn’t work. I don’t feel like the answer is that we just haven’t systemed hard enough.
BLEEEEEEEHHHHHH
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No offense to you, but that’s because libertarianism isn’t in and of itself, a defense against either conservatism or corrupted populism.
You can’t actually do this, but there’s a good chance if you rolled back the clock to the Reagan years and just fast-forwarded to now, you would get a completely different result from certain random factors.
One such random factor would have been rooting out and suing into the dirt every backer of the nascent Tea Party movement in 2009-2010 which was always demonstrably bad faith protest in government spending to start with. Suing Trump into silence during the birther conspiracies was also something that should seriously have been considered.
‘Everyone is free to be an idiot’ Joe Biden is too laissez-faire a view of freedom of speech and so is Eric Holder’s ‘we do not want to criminalize policy differences’ in his speech either. Both mis-recognized what forces they were actually dealing with, and were those handled by legal means even if it got close to SLAPP issues from watchdogs, we’d be having a different conversation in 2016 and now, and probably could have avoided the government shutdown from Ted Cruz in 2013-2014.
Instead we’re stuck with contemplating what is going to be some twisted fusion of the French Revolution and Irish Troubles to get out of this and even begin the business of keeping only people and corporations working in good faith and accepting decentralized resistance as a reality (except cryptocurrency, Web 3.0 is a toxic technology that needs regulation even after such a revolution)
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I think there’s a key point here about usability. A lot of folks simply find tech too confusing or difficult. The platforms that have been successful have generally been the ones that have low barriers to entry for non-tech people.
Whether that’s people choosing an iPad over a PC or those abandoning personal websites for MySpace.
So even if you have a gloriously diverse network of interoperable platforms, people are still going to gravitate to the one that’s easiest to use – which is also most likely to be the one where the broadest selection of their friends and community are.
So regulation needs to be part of the mix.
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Oh? Does Abigail Disney, member of the Patriotic Millionaires, not count?
Good luck with that. I think another three and a half years of Trump, his rabid right wing thugs and big business might put paid to regaining anything that vaguely resembles democracy within the digital infrastructure.
Also puts the lie to corporate complaints about regulation
The longstanding corporate bellyache about how any sort of regulation interferes with the natural law of capitalism is also exposed as a lie. The strongman shows up and says “these are the new rules, at least for for today, and tomorrow I’ll have some more, probably different ones,” and corporate America has fallen right in line without a peep. None of the longtime complaints about the cost of compliance or the legality of regulation or inefficiency or lack of predictability or anything else. If we get our democracy back, when corporate America complains about the cost/difficulty/impossibility of complying with properly developed regulations, we tell them STFU, you had your chance to show your true colors and you did, market capitalism has to serve democracy, not the other way around.