Missouri Judge Says State’s Public Defender Waiting List Is Unconstitutional
from the being-accused-shouldn't-mean-losing-your-rights dept
“Innocent until proven guilty” is the standard we claim to respect here in the United States. In reality, it’s anything but.
Arrested people have their faces splashed across news sites and mug shot aggregators, presented as nothing more than a face and a list of charges. Accused criminals are almost always discussed without the “accused” modifier. Juries and even some judges assume the accused person is guilty simply because they’re in court. After all, if they’d done nothing wrong, law enforcement officers wouldn’t have arrested them, right?
Accused criminals have a guaranteed right to legal representation. But few governments at any level feel this right should be respected. To far too many lawmakers, public funding for legal representation is considered a luxury — something that can be cut when times are tight and ignored when coffers are full. Legislators can do this because very few constituents care whether or not accused criminals have access to their constitutional rights.
Governments are occasionally reminded of the rights they’re ignoring. It takes a lawsuit to make this happen in most cases. The state of Utah was sued in 2016 for refusing to provide adequate funding for public defenders. In fact, at the time the lawsuit was filed, Utah provided exactly $0 in public defense funding. It left that up to cities and counties. And they didn’t feel like doing it either. Cited in the lawsuit was Washington County, which spent $2.8 million on prosecutors while allotting only $761,000 to public defenders.
Missouri — the state at the center of this lawsuit — is equally terrible. It was also sued in 2016 by a state’s public defenders after Governor Jay Nixon threatened to withhold nearly three-quarters of their funding. Not satisfied with simply waiting for the lawsuit to play out, public defender Michael Barrett engaged in a highly unusual (but completely legal) gambit: he issued a “Delegation of Representation,” designating the governor (a former prosecutor) as the counsel of record on one of Barrett’s cases.
Six years later, at least one part of Missouri’s inadequate public representation system is going to have to make some permanent changes. The decision [PDF] calls out the state’s refusal to provide adequate funding — something that has forced defendants to go up to a year without a lawyer and/or spend an indefinite time in jail because they have no representation for bail hearings. (via Courthouse News Service)
At the November, 2020 bench trial, evidence was adduced that, starting in 2017, multiple MSPD district defenders sought caseload relief, resulting in the creation of MSPD [Missouri State Public Defender] waiting lists in parts of the state. Some waiting lists were created informally by agreement with the presiding judge of the judicial circuit without a formal hearing or written order, and other waiting lists were by written order of the presiding judge after hearing. Once the waiting lists began, the number of defendants placed on the lists grew substantially. In November, 2019, there were more than 5,800 cases on MSPD waiting lists, involving 16 different MSPD district defender offices.
[…]
As of November, 2019, nearly 600 persons on the waiting lists had been waiting for counsel for over one year from the initial determination of indigency. Approximately 1,546 had been waiting for at least six months, 1,916 for at least five months, and 2,273 were waiting for at least four months.
The court says the right to representation (in both the state and US Constitutions) attaches almost immediately. Respecting the Sixth Amendment means defendants are entitled to be represented by a public defender at their initial appearance, where charges are read and bail requests are made. Without timely access to public defense, arrestees are often steamrolled by government prosecutors.
The named petitioners in this case provide examples of issues faced by defendants at bond hearings, and the mention of two will suffice. Petitioner Travis Herbert was on the MSPD waiting list for 147 days while incarcerated and charged with three felonies. While on the waiting list he attended seven bond hearings without counsel. A prosecutor appeared each time, and all bond reductions were denied until the sixth hearing, when he was released on his own recognizance. Petitioner Dakota Wilcox was on the MSPD waiting list for over five months while in custody charged with several felonies. At the end of the waiting period, an attorney through MSPD entered, and within two days obtained Mr. Wilcox’ release.
The state tried to get out of the lawsuit by doing stuff it should have been doing already: increasing public defender funding to whittle down the waiting list. The state’s 2022 budget added $3.6 million in funding for the MSPD, which resulted in the hiring of 53 more attorneys who brought the number of people on the waiting list down to zero. Problem solved, says the state. Not so fast, says the court.
[T]he issue of delaying appointment of counsel for an indigent defendant by placing the defendant on a waiting list is virtually certain to occur in the future. The waiting list is at zero, not because Respondents have renounced its use, but because the State is currently providing sufficient funding to avoid resorting to it. The General Assembly appropriates funds on a one-year basis. The history of providing defense counsel for indigent defendants in Missouri is replete with claims of inadequate resources for providing effective representation…
Section 600.063.3 (5), the statute relied upon by Respondents to maintain the waiting list, remains unamended, available to be utilized at the next MSPD funding shortfall to delay appointment of counsel for defendants charged by the State with a crime. Meanwhile, Respondents continue to assert that the practice of using the waiting list – even when it allows the State to delay for months or years furnishing an indigent person charged by the State with a crime – does not violate an indigent defendant’s right to counsel. The issues raised in the instant case involving the use of a waiting list are likely to recur.
The case isn’t moot. The state is in the wrong. The waiting list is unconstitutional, as is the law that allows it to happen. The state will actually have to continue to adequately fund its public defenders office now that its (unconstitutional) fallback plan has been eliminated. This will bring the state more in line with the Constitution(s) its employees have sworn to respect and nudge the balance of power in the criminal justice system slightly back towards the centerline.
Filed Under: access to justice, delegation of representation, funding, michael barrett, missouri, public defender, right to representation


Comments on “Missouri Judge Says State’s Public Defender Waiting List Is Unconstitutional”
the state’s refusal to provide adequate funding — something that has forced defendants to go up to a year without a lawyer and/or spend an indefinite time in jail because they have no representation for bail hearings.
It’s so weirrrrd how they have the cash to keep people in jail/prison for months on end, but can’t afford to appoint a public defender.
Re: I'll move my answer over from Reddit/iloveElon
LAPD spends $1.9 billion a year
(not counting LAPD’s 65% of LA city’s federal “SARS-CoV-2” bail-out)
Plus the LA County Sheriff $3.8 billion a year creating criminals, and LA defenders office might spend $4.3 million (over 1000:1) a year for the SCOTUS mandated criminal defense of those “accused”. See https://news.yahoo.com/l-county-shifts-lawyer-program-130052707.html Result? Lets Make A Deal®
Sorry… something about this article kept on grating on me and I admit I never made it to the end.
It’s the term: “accused criminal.”
Until they’ve been convicted, they’re an accused citizen. They can be accused of a crime, but they’re not a criminal until the court convicts.
That’s because “criminal” refers to them being convicted of committing a crime, not to them having done something WORTHY of being convicted of a crime. Crimes relate to the legal system, not human behavior.
There was some heavy irony in reading “Accused criminals are almost always discussed without the “accused” modifier” when it’s either a false accusation, or they’re not a criminal.
I suppose a repeat offender could technically be an accused criminal, but that’s really not what’s being discussed here.
Something about specks of dust and planks of wood….
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Re: Accused Criminals
Very often, people accused of crimes have been convicted of other crimes before. Furthermore, people are arrested when there is probable cause to believe they have committed the crime, which is also a legal principle, Arrested people aren’t as innocent as you would like to believe.
Re: Re:
And some people are arrested due to bad luck.
Arrested people aren’t as guilty as you would like to believe.
Also, should someone be held (not convicted, just held) for over a year for petty theft?
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… or suspicion of having committed petty theft, to be more accurate.
Re: Re:
Your very precise objection here would have value if and only if the people reporting on crime were equally precise. They are not. Your point loses.
Probable cause is a legal principle, correct. However, it has no weight in this argument. You highlight, in fact, that they are at that point accused only, not judged guilty. Your point loses.
Some are guilty. Some are innocent. But that only is found at the end of proceedings, by either a plea or a judicial determination. The only way your statement makes sense is if you bait-and-switch the meaning of the word “innocent”.
Re: Re:
You seem like the kind of person who thinks the murder of George Floyd was a wholly necessary extrajudicial execution.
Re: Re:
Log back in, davec.
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Furthermore, people are arrested when there is probable cause to believe they have committed the crime, which is also a legal principle
And, as I’m sure you’re also aware, whether or not the ‘probable cause’ was actually probable cause from a legal standpoint is undetermined until trial.
You’ll be shocked to hear that sometimes police actually make up probable cause when there isn’t any.
In addition to public defender waiting lists being illegal, it should be law that funding for public defenders must be equal or higher to funding for prosecuters.
Inherent bias
Some of the bias that permeates the criminal legal system is due to the prosecutor-to-judge, prosecutor-to-politician, and law enforcement-to-politician pipelines.
I have long thought that making prosecutors and criminal defense attorneys (and their staff) permanently ineligible for judgeships or elected office might be a solution to this problem. Prosecutors would also be prohibited from becoming defense attorneys, and vice versa. Would-be prosecutors, defense attorneys, judges, law enforcement, and elected officials could be completely separate and mutually exclusive career paths, starting in law school. Of course, anyone who was not in one of these professional categories could join any one of them at any time, but they would then be ineligible for any of the others thereafter.
I am sure this idea would never fly, for any number of reasons, but I still think the idea has merit. The aforementioned pipelines create clear and unavoidable conflict-of-interest situations, which no amount of oath-taking can overcome.
With vanishingly few exceptions:
Once a prosecutor, always a prosecutor.
Once a cop, always a cop.
Once a defense attorney, always a defense attorney.
Once a politician, always a politician.
This is one of those things that has a simple solution that no one will do…
(Like stopping gerrymandering with a math equation that just splits the population by number of people and no other metric.)
The budget starts at how much they give the prosecution.
Give 2.8 million to prosecute, 2.8 million for the public defenders.
The system is supposed to treat everyone as innocent until proven guilty (and lets be honest they’ve convicted a bunch of completely innocent people), so if the system is supposed to be unbiased both sides get the same amount.
Then punish brady violations.
Then punish cops who end up on the brady list.
Then make the “science” being used have to conform to an actual scientific standard for being accurate & repeatable.
Politicians have spent so much time demonizing anyone who breaks the law (lets be honest, they know about breaking the law they do it way more than we do) & then rig the system so they can show the “good” people what a great job they are doing… and then when someone proves they were railroaded they suddenly don’t want to compensate that person from ruining their life… something really sick and wrong there.
You’d think there would be a punishment for people who lie/cheat/steal to win a ‘conviction’ of an innocent… maybe we should decide that is a serious crime that needs a serious punishment so people stop doing it.
Right to a speedy trial .. lol
This and other lies you were told as a child all part of fantasy land fun at your expense.
Wait Lists
I don’t think the Wait Lists themselves are a constitutional issue. I believe the right to a speedy trial is the issue. Significant delays in going to trial may result in a Constitutional violation and the vacating of the charges. The Wait List simply codifies the lack of speedy trial.