Effective Accelerationism Is Just Technological Authoritarianism With A Smile
from the it's-not-very-effective-if-everyone's-dead dept
Behind effective accelerationism’s techno-optimist smile lies a familiar and dangerous impulse: subordinating human dignity to a technological imperative framed as inevitable.
The effective accelerationism movement (e/acc) presents itself as an enlightened embrace of technological progress, especially artificial general intelligence. Led by figures like Guillaume Verdon and embraced by venture capitalists like Marc Andreessen, the movement claims humanity faces a binary choice: “accelerate or die.” Those who question this narrative are dismissed as “decels” or “doomers” standing in the way of humanity’s cosmic destiny.
Nowhere is this authoritarian impulse more clearly articulated than in Andreessen’s “Techno-Optimist Manifesto”—a document that warrants direct examination. Strip away its futuristic veneer, and what remains is essentially 21st century fascism in digital clothing.
Consider the manifesto’s central claims. It flatly rejects the legitimacy of democratic regulation over technology: “We believe markets—free people making free choices—are the proper determinant of which technologies are created and deployed.” It declares technology the solution to all problems while dismissing concerns about inequality, sustainability, or governance as wrongheaded: “We oppose the philosophy of the unproductive ‘steady state.’“ Most tellingly, it explicitly rejects democratic oversight: “We are pro-civilization and thus we are focused on the private sector,” as if civilization itself is incompatible with public governance.
This isn’t mere enthusiasm for innovation; it’s a comprehensive political ideology that seeks to replace democratic deliberation with technological determinism and market fundamentalism. The manifesto’s vision is fundamentally feudal: a world where tech oligarchs determine humanity’s course, unencumbered by democratic institutions or public accountability. This isn’t optimism—it’s authoritarianism with a Silicon Valley gloss.
Andreessen positions himself as a philosopher-king of technological progress while demonstrating remarkable blindness to his own limitations. His breathless championing of Web3 and crypto as civilization’s inevitable future now looks more like hubris than vision as those markets have cratered. Though his venture firm, a16z, managed to unload much of its token holdings onto retail investors before the crash—a practice any reasonable person would find ethically troubling. This pattern of privatizing gains while socializing losses perfectly illustrates the movement’s underlying philosophy: technological “inevitability” for the masses, insider protection for the elite.
What makes e/acc dangerous isn’t enthusiasm for technology but its underlying technological determinism—the belief that innovation follows a predetermined path humans must accept rather than direct. This deterministic view treats human agency as largely irrelevant, serious debate as futile, and skepticism as dangerous heresy. We’ve seen this pattern before in other deterministic ideologies, from Marxist historical inevitability to market fundamentalism’s “invisible hand.” Marxism once declared proletarian revolution inevitable, sidelining debate about the means. Free-market fundamentalism claimed deregulation was destiny, ignoring warnings of catastrophic risk. Both left profound damage in their wake.
Technological determinism doesn’t just silence debate—it quietly erases the belief that humans have meaningful agency in shaping their future.
The movement’s practice of labeling critics as “decels” reveals its epistemic authoritarianism—a system where questioning the accelerationist narrative becomes not just incorrect but morally suspect. This approach inherently limits pluralistic debate, silences valid ethical concerns, and frames caution as weakness rather than wisdom. When questioning technological development is framed as opposition to progress itself—as an obstacle rather than necessary caution—we’ve crossed from debate into epistemic authoritarianism.
This authoritarian impulse isn’t accidental but essential to the movement’s character. Its leading voices consistently present themselves not as participants in democratic deliberation but as visionaries whose insight transcends normal political constraints. There’s something fundamentally fascistic in this self-conception—the belief that technological “greatness” requires bypassing democratic processes and dismissing public concerns as ignorance.
Let’s be very clear about what this is: a fascist disposition wrapped in techno-futurism. The historical parallels are too striking to ignore. Like 20th century fascism, it glorifies speed and power over deliberation and equity. It frames democratic oversight as weakness and celebrates the will of technological “pioneers” over collective wisdom. It positions a self-selected elite as the arbiters of humanity’s future while dismissing those who disagree as obstacles to progress. If this isn’t fascism in contemporary form, what would be?
Perhaps most troubling is e/acc‘s cynicism about human dignity. By explicitly subordinating traditional ethical values to technological imperatives and cosmic entropy maximization, the movement creates a moral calculus indifferent or even hostile to individual and collective human flourishing. When technology becomes an end in itself rather than a means to human ends, we risk a profound moral impoverishment—technological nihilism wearing the mask of cosmic purpose.
If we reject technological authoritarianism, the alternative isn’t Luddism—it’s philosophical liberalism, with its firm commitment to pluralism, human dignity, and epistemic humility. Liberal democracy isn’t anti-technology—it insists only that technological development must remain subject to democratic accountability, ethical oversight, and meaningful consent. Liberalism sees technological progress not as inevitable, but as an ongoing human choice. Liberal democracy exists not to maximize entropy or technological development for its own sake, but to safeguard conditions for diverse human flourishing.
What’s actually at stake in this debate isn’t just the pace of innovation but whether humans meaningfully shape their own future. E/acc‘s seductive simplicity—its promise that surrendering to technological inevitability will solve humanity’s problems—can slide quickly into authoritarian governance justified by “inevitable” technological imperatives. We’re already seeing these dynamics at work in real-world contexts, as when the Trump administration uses tariffs as leverage to force countries to accept Elon Musk’s Starlink—a fusion of technological and political power that bypasses democratic accountability.
The center must be held against this technological determinism. Two plus two equals four means we must always insist on seeing reality clearly, not through the distorting lens of inevitability narratives that conveniently serve those already in power. Human dignity and democratic legitimacy aren’t obstacles to technological advancement—they’re its moral foundation. Without them, technology inevitably becomes not a force for liberation, but merely another form of authoritarian control—no matter how brightly it smiles.
Mike Brock is a former tech exec who was on the leadership team at Block. Originally published at his Notes From the Circus.
Filed Under: democracy, effective altruism, equity, fascism, marc andreessen, society, techno optimism


Comments on “Effective Accelerationism Is Just Technological Authoritarianism With A Smile”
AFAIK the Luddites were not protesting against new technology in itself, but against the economic inequality and hardship that were the consequence. It’s even quoted in the Wikipedia article that you linked to:
“These attacks on machines did not imply any necessary hostility to machinery as such; machinery was just a conveniently exposed target against which an attack could be made.”
Liberalism does not have the best track record in combating economic inequality. It bangs the drum on individual rights and freedoms, but sidesteps questions of economic justice and wealth ditribution.
E/acc is merely a justification for tech bosses to destroy any form of boundaries while they are becoming immeasurably wealthy.
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You’re clearly an American whose idea of liberalism is based on the joke that is American “liberalism.”
Look at actual political science definitions or, if you want real-world example and practices, Northern European liberalism. It’s no accident that Scandanavia hosts the happiest people on the planet, who also happen to lack the US’s income inequality.
Don't hold the center. Go left.
Liberal democracy fundamentally fails to deal with fascism because it fails to commit to egalitarianism and justice. Holding the center is giving ground. When they go right, we go left.
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Centrism is a compromise that asks, “Who or what can we throw under the bus to avoid hurting our chances at winning elections?”
Re: I'll settle for a "a bit more to the left"
Ultimately we need to go far left. We need to not only unseat the current power structures but move towards community-focused government distributing political power as far and wide as possible.
Richard J Murphy, aka that boring Brit guy on YouTube who appears to be the London equivalent of Robert Reich, observed that right-wing movements in the EU seem to be propelled by their opposition party clinging to neoliberalism. Stuck with King Log, some frogs will vote Heron in the hopes that he’ll eat some of the other frogs first and that will promote change.
We’ll always have white supremacists, religious ministries who want theocracy and rich monarchists who would be king themselves. And when the people feel safe, when they’re not confronted with rent precarity, health precarity, food precarity, etc. no one listens to them. But the worse it is generally for the commoners, the more the far right gets a voice.
Ideally, we’d uplift every last beggar and transient and criminal out of despair, but if we can get comfort to the working class and a latter out of dire straits into safety, I think we can back away from the precipice of autocracy.
This, at least, echos the ideas presented by both Murphy and Reich.
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Meanwhile the left deals with Fascism by making the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.
Anytime you label something “accelerationism”, I’ll assume you mean “accelerate into a wall and die on impact”.
This is basically that but with technology.
As we’ve seen before, and are seeing now, and will see again, it’s quite often the case that the people who claim to have found the keys to saving humanity are some of least humane among us.
It seems the Tech Bros have skipped the required reading for basic cyberpunk literacy…
They all need to be shunted onto the Ayn Rand path.
It’s also sadly funny how they, and let us be honest, so many people, think there is only one tech tree, one way to organize societies, and that their imagined history and future follow a trajectory of inherent improvement, like badly characterized biological evolution.
Liberal Democrats would look at what Germany did with a growing fascist group and clutch their pearls so hard they’d crumble into powder. Their solutions for the same thing in the U.S. would be “information literacy” classes required for all kids and nothing else.
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Unfortunately (for you), banning groups on the basis of their political beliefs alone is against the Constitution. Unless you’d like to give Trump and his administration the tools to ban people from associating with one another based on how much the Trump administration dislikes the beliefs of those people, you’re gonna need a better solution than “ban all the groups I don’t like”. And no, killing people isn’t going to be that solution, no matter how much some people would really love to kill all the people who are one step right of center for whatever reason.
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Oh okay, so you didn’t even read the article I linked to.
“Advocacy for genocide and spreading racist stereotypes to foment violence is just speech you don’t like and you have to just deal with it, even though other countries have figured out functional ways to deal with it” is a core American Liberal Democrat philosophical pillar. And look where it’s led us.
When all this is over, and we hopefully return to some semblance of sanity & sane governance, how do you think we’re going to re-earn the trust of our international allies if we don’t address the conditions and toxic information & speech environment that led us to where we are at this current juncture in time? How do we attract international talent, international students, and more back to the U.S. if we keep the same framework that led us to Trump in place?
We tried American Liberal Democracy and its talking points and core pillars already. After this chaos and fascism is quelled, no matter how that may be, and I prefer it to be as bloodless as possible, it’ll be time for a Democracy here in the U.S. that’s a bit more European and farther to the left than mere “Liberal”.
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Other countries may not have the right of association protected in their core legal documents. The U.S. does. As much as you might hate how groups with Klan-like ideals are legally allowed to exist so long as they’re not doing crimes, that’s your problem to sort out.
And I once again recognize the shitty position I’m putting myself in because I choose to have a set of principles that requires a defense of the rights of the worst among us. You think I want to be defending racist assholes? Because I don’t. The only people who genuinely want to defend them are other racist assholes. My defense of their right to come together as a group is limited to their civil rights and it doesn’t extend to the content of their speech or the groundwork of their beliefs.
I also recognize that the racist genocide-desiring assholes you’re talking about are complete shitbags who don’t deserve respect or sympathy. That said: In the U.S., they’re allowed to get together and speak their minds so long as they don’t go about hurting people or blowing up buildings or whatever. If you want to give the U.S. government a way to stop those people from getting together, you’ll have to deal with the idea that a future administration (or the current one) will use that power against marginalized people. It’s exactly why, to your eternal disappointment, I don’t advocate for laws and actions that would give the government that kind of power: Abuse of that power is far too tempting, especially if no one will ever be punished for that abuse.
I dunno. How do you suppose we do that without doing something as drastic as, say, ignoring the Constitution? Because my concern here lies in giving the government enough power to hurt marginalized people for no reason other than equating “they said mean things about privileged folks” with “they’re being hateful bigots who are calling for violence”. And we have examples of that already happening, in case you haven’t read about how the Trump administration black-bagged foreign students only for writing op-eds decrying the genocide in Gaza, so don’t go acting like it wouldn’t or couldn’t happen because of some magical guardrail you think up.
Hey, so, I’mma just press X to Doubt right now.
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No, that’s our problem, as a country, to sort out. This is because even though you say:
Their right to come together as group, to amass power and resources and brainstorm and shit? It enables their speech, and the groundwork of their beliefs, to gain ground and power that it shouldn’t. Germany recognizes the power of hateful, bigoted groups and the resources they can, and do, amass in pursuit of their hateful goals. And they are smart enough to recognize that there are marginalized groups who amass power for good and don’t go “what if bad people go after the marginalized groups with this power?”. They go “We will go after the fascists amassing power so that they don’t get into power, and thus they cannot abuse power to harm marginalized groups.”
The Constitution is going to need fundamental reforms in a post-Trump world. Our current Constitution, and the one we’ll need post-Trump to stop this from happening again, are going to have to be two different documents. Some similarities, but some key differences. Borne out of a fundamental rethinking of how we want to move forward that these dark moments in history bring about. If we don’t, we open ourselves up to all of this happening all over again. I have posted this multiple times, and I will post it agaon: There Is No Going Back, by Jamelle Bouie.
Yes or No, Stephen: When you get a dictator in office, after they are ousted, do you keep the conditions and laws and such that led to them being able to take power the same as they were before?
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And how do you propose we stop that from happening in a way that doesn’t open the door for a future (or current) government regime to use those exact words as a justification for hurting marginalized people? Because what you said there could easily be used against, say, trans rights groups without changing a single goddamn letter.
Therein lies my concern with wanting to use the law (or go outside the law) to handle complex sociopolitical issues with a hammer: Sooner or later, someone who can use that hammer in a way you don’t like will see you as a nail. The dream of banning groups like the Klan or the Oath Keepers from existing shouldn’t be realized at the expense of the same protections that let trans people and their cisgender allies come together to advocate for trans rights under a government regime that hates trans people.
We live in a different country. What applies to German politics and German society may not translate to the U.S. because of differences in foundational legal structures. Technically, banning hate symbols like the swastika would be fundamentally impossible in the U.S. due to free speech laws. Imagine a Wolfenstein game without being able to kill actual Nazis because the government said “nope, can’t have Nazi symbols in your game”.
Maybe you see that as a weakness of the U.S. constitution and legal system. That’s your right. My view is that, weakness or not, it is the law of the land and it applies to everyone, including the same people you want buried in a mass grave as a “message” to anyone who thinks fascism is a good thing. You have to contend with the notion that the speech and groups and people you want gone are protected by a constitution…
…that can’t be changed to suit your needs without you having a gigantic nationwide push for those changes. If you really think you can get two-thirds of the states in this country to ratify changes to the Constitution that would fundamentally alter the way this country handles speech and association (and potentially religion, given how intertwined that is with speech and association), you go do that. Until then: The Constitution is the law of the land and it protects the shitbags you hate, and you’re going to have to deal with that in a way that doesn’t involve actual physical violence.
Ideally? No. This country is fucked if it doesn’t change things in a way that stops another Trump—a worse Trump—from taking office. That said: You’re going to find that changing the U.S. Constitution, and the society it undergirds, is going to take more work than you might think. For starters, you have to deal with the fact that millions of people in this country want fascism/authoritarianism because it means they don’t have to think about politics or the “big decisions”. If they think you’re trying to hurt them in the way they’d like to hurt you, rest assured that they won’t go down without a fight. (Not that you would probably mind if the government had an excuse to go slaughter a bunch of conservative, but still.)
You are talking about a wholesale change to the fundamental fabric of American society that would affect a hell of a lot of people’s lives in ways they may not be prepared to handle—now or in the future. I’m not saying you’re wrong that we’re going to need to change a lot of shit in the future. I’m saying that you’re going to need more than the kind of Bojack Horseman–type “stupid piece of shit” negging you’re doing at me to get that job done. I mean, if you can’t get someone who agrees with you in some way to come over to your side because you keep trying to shame him into following your beliefs without question, how the fuck do you think you’ll get tens of millions of people to join your cause?
In the end, I do agree that we need to change some things. Treating me like a piece of shit because I’m not willing to advocate for lethal violence or attacking free speech or whatever your problem is with my principles won’t get me on your side. So either stop the negging or stop replying, because you’re not winning me over by trying to make me feel like a stupid piece of shit. I already have that job covered—and trust me when I tell you that you’re nowhere near as good at it as I am.