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stories filed under: "developing nations"
Predictions

Predictions

by Kevin Donovan


Filed Under:
china, developing nations, india, intellectual property, patents



In China And India, Stronger Intellectual Property Is Unnecessary

from the red-herring dept

This is the fifth post in a series of posts looking at the question of intellectual property rights in both China and India. We'll be adding new posts to this series each week for the next few weeks.

Access Is More Important Than "Incentive"

China and India are countries of enormous internal economic differences, primarily stemming from productivity gaps. The technologies that enable world-class economic efficiency in some parts of China and India need to be diffused throughout the country, but the monopoly pricing associated with IPR limits the ability of the poor to access empowering technology.

Despite the presence of high-tech hubs like Bangalore and Hyderabad, India ranks 63rd out of 72 surveyed countries for the Technology Achievement Index (Dahlman 2005). In China, Beijing and Shanghai have knowledge-intensities 6.1 and 5.3 times the national average, respectively (Dahlman 2001).  These disparities indicate an inability to effectively diffuse innovations, likely resulting from the higher prices and protectionism associated with increased intellectual property. The low productivity in most Indian enterprises indicates an enormous opportunity to make better use of existing knowledge; one analysis “implies that the output of the Indian economy could be as much as 4.8 times higher if enterprises were to absorb and use the knowledge that already exists in the economy” (Dutz 2007). Intellectual property is certainly an important factor, but not the only factor preventing this diffusion: after all, India's remarkable agricultural productivity growth known as the Green Revolution took place prior to global intellectual property harmonization.

Because R&D requires much more than financial incentives (educated workforce, infrastructure, etc.), close to 80% of global R&D is carried out in the developed world. Therefore, innovation in the developing world is more appropriately adoption and adaptation of existing technology. Instead of hoping that increased intellectual property will attract it (likely a fool's errand), there are other ways to access global knowledge such as reverse engineering, imitation, utilizing diaspora linkages and networks, and simply purchasing knowledge-embodying goods. Even with broadly condemned intellectual property policy, China and India remain highly desirable locations for the R&D labs of major international corporations. Several surveys indicate that India is the preferred location for innovation centers, likely stemming from the critical mass of low-cost, highly-skilled knowledge workers – the average annual salary of a scientist or engineer in India is $22,600, compared to $90,000 in the United States. Additionally, given the ability to digitize and internationally transfer much of their work, India is attractive regardless of concerns about intellectual property infringement (Dutz 2007). And the benefit to India is impressive:

“Between 1998 and 2003, MNCs made $1.3 billion in R&D investments in India. More than 300 MNCs are setting up R&D and technical centers in India. They employ 80,000 scientists and engineers and spend about $4 billion a year. Planned investment totals $4.7 billion… The growth of MNC R&D centers generates positive spillovers to the Indian economy, with the demonstration effect to indigenous corporations being the most critical” (Dutz 2007).


Although MNCs state their preference for higher intellectual property, a recent study noted that “it is unlikely that product patents will make a dramatic difference to their choices;” instead a change in IP will likely most affect domestic firms who are increasing amount and type of R&D without the incentive of intellectual property (Lanjouw 1997). India, and China where a similar trend is present and increasing, can further their attractiveness to FDI through tax breaks, increased liberalization and actively utilizing their diaspora.

Unnecessary for Innovation. Period.

Stronger intellectual property may also be unnecessary in another way. Although they are promoted as a tool for enhancing economic competitiveness, readers of Techdirt will know that their effectiveness is, at most, questionable. In the 1980s, there was a boom in American patenting activity, seemingly corresponding with changes to intellectual property laws that were made in response to worries about diminishing national competitiveness (Dahlman 2001). A measure of useful innovation, Total Factor Productivity, should have increased accordingly with the rise in useful, novel and non-obvious inventions, but this has not been the case (Boldrin 2008), providing compelling evidence that, contrary to common usage, patent activity is not equitable with economic benefits.

But even if we take patent activity as a reliable indicator of useful innovation, the case for stronger IP is doubtful. Strengthened intellectual property is unlikely to have caused the increase in American patenting in the 1980s: a study of patent reforms over 150 years in 60 countries confirms “that reforms have few positive effects on patent applications by entities based in the country undertaking the policy change” (Lerner 2002).

If traditional patents are not indicative of innovation and productivity-enhancement, is it possible that newer, related exclusive rights could do so? One such right, known as Plant Breeder’s Rights, provides patent-like protection to agricultural innovations. Here again, the evidence fails to provide compelling support for monopoly rights. The premier international treaties on the subject, the PVPA/UPOV, have not led to an increase in experimental or commercial wheat yields; instead, agricultural rights take away from the public domain seeds by allowing commercial entities to patent hardly novel strains. When enforced, these exclusive rights price previously affordable agricultural inputs beyond the means of the millions of subsistence farmers in China and India (Boldrin 2008).

Instead of focusing on intellectual property as the sole source of incentive for innovation, China and India should actively explore and promote ways in which to promote investment in public goods without bringing the distortions of monopoly rights.  As legal scholar Larry Lessig writes in The Future of Ideas, “There is no necessity to marry the incentive to innovate to conferral of monopoly power in innovations” (Lessig 2002). Digital, networked technology expands the ability for people to collaborate across time and space, significantly decreasing the up-front costs of innovation that intellectual property seeks to recuperate through exclusive rights. Models of open source innovation have proven spectacularly successful in software development where innovation is a cumulative and competitive process (Jaffe 2004). Open licensing models also hold promise in biotechnology where much of the research costs are provided by academic researchers who have an interest in promoting knowledge widely (Kapczynkski 2005). In fact, IT and biotechnology were successful in large part due to the freely available research made possible by university knowledge (So 2008). Funding can also be provided by non-profit entities such as government-awarded prizes for socially desirable innovations (Love 2007). Finally, even in a market without intellectual property, large up-front costs associated with innovation can be recouped through trade secrecy and the first-mover advantage (Jaffe 2004).
Other posts in this series:

Kevin Donovan is an expert at the Insight Community. To get insight and analysis from Kevin Donovan and other experts on challenges your company faces, click here.

21 Comments | Leave a Comment..

 
Culture

Culture

by Kevin Donovan


Filed Under:
china, developing nations, india, intellectual property, patents



A Brief History Of Intellectual Property In China And India

from the ups-and-downs dept

This is the second post in a series of posts looking at the question of intellectual property rights in both China and India. We'll be adding new posts to this series each week for the next few weeks.

To fully understand why increased intellectual property in China and India is unnecessary and objectionable, it helps to understand the relationship intellectual property has with economic development. Historically, intellectual property has generally increased with economic development, but the relationship is not straightforward. Although there is no reliable cross-country index of intellectual property policy, in large part due to the difficulty of quantifying concepts like enforcement quality, some trends are discernable. When a country is poor, IP is unnecessary for a host of reasons, not the least of which is the limited access to productivity enhancing technologies that intellectual property brings and the domestic inability to innovate in a commercially viable manner. But instead of constantly increasing with wealth, IP actually falls with an initial increase in wealth before dramaticaly growing (Maskus 2000). As a country develops, it obtains imitative abilities that make legal prohibition on copying foreign technologies an artificial obstruction to economic growth. However, with further global integration and increased domestic innovative capabilities, patent protection tends to increase. However, China and India have both realized that their relative poverty makes access to technology a more pressing concern, justifying relaxed IP standards.

India's On-Again, Off-Again Relationship With Intellectual Property

India' colonial status brought with it patent legislation, so by 1911 India's IP regime conformed with developed world status (Graff 2007). However, seeking to develop a domestic pharmaceutical industry, in 1970, India abolished patents on pharmaceutical products. This allowed domestic firms to imitate and adapt foreign therapeutic inventions. The policy was a success: the 2,237 licensed drug manufacturers in 1969-1970 grew to 16,000 by 1991-1993, production of drugs grew at an average rate of 14.4% per year from 1980 to 1993, India became a net exporter of pharmaceutical products, and the market share of foreign multinational corporations (MNCs) dropped from 80-90% to 40% (Fink 2005). In 1995, six of the top ten pharmaceutical firms in India were domestic, and employment in the sector had reached half a million people (Lanjouw 1997).

However, to gain access to the global market enabled by the World Trade Organization, India had to ratify the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs), the most influential treaty on global intellectual property. Doing so included introducing full product patents on pharmaceutical innovations, extending all patents from 5-14 years to 20 years, and accepting limitations on compulsory licensing (Abramson 2007). Observers noted that this was likely to lead to a loss of consumer surplus (Chaudhuri et al.). However, the government agreed against its wishes to TRIPs for the additional benefits of WTO membership (Lanjouw 1997). Under TRIPs regulations, patenting has accelerated in India (Dahlman 2005).

China As The Late Bloomer

China was a latecomer to intellectual property. Its first patent law came into effect in 1985, followed by a copyright law in 1990 (Graff 2007). However, since then, the pace of progress has been rapid; it has now joined all major international IP treaties (Maskus 2005). Its patenting activity is increasing rapidly, too, with domestic firms nearly doubling the number of patents they received in the past four years (“Chinese firms…”). China’s Patent Office now leads the world, reviewing 800,000 applications in 2008, and in 2009, domestic firms are poised to receive more patents than foreigners for the first time ever (“Battle of Ideas”). Chinese firms are also receiving more patents abroad: in 1999 they only won 90 patents in America, but by last year they had increased that number to 1,225, demonstrating a desire to use their inventions globally (“Battle of Ideas”).

Chinese intellectual property, however, is still frequently critiqued. Enforcement is notoriously weak with the United States citing “rampant counterfeiting and piracy problems.” Strikingly, according to the USTR, China was the origin for 67% of seizures of counterfeit goods at the American border in 2008. In response to these and other concerns, China has recently updated its patent laws, increasing statutory damages and expanding the investigative power of the patent office (Lim 2009).

In the next post, we'll take an extended look at the case made for stronger intellectual property in China and India. 


Other posts in this series:

Kevin Donovan is an expert at the Insight Community. To get insight and analysis from Kevin Donovan and other experts on challenges your company faces, click here.

8 Comments | Leave a Comment..

 
Predictions

Predictions

by Kevin Donovan


Filed Under:
china, developing nations, india, intellectual property, patents



Do China And India Really Want Stronger Intellectual Property?

from the stay-tuned-to-find-out dept

Over the past few months, I have been researching the role that intellectual property plays in China and India, with specific attention to the frequent calls for increased protection in those countries. I believe that a careful and critical review of national goals, potential solutions and likely outcomes will, in fact, make intellectual property harmonization a disagreeable mechanism for bringing China and India to continued global prestige. This series, adapted from a recent paper, will first outline the role that intellectual property can play in economic development. Because of their relative importance, patents will be the focus. Following brief overviews of the intellectual property systems in China and India, it will examine the case for stronger IP in China and India. The most time will be dedicated to explaining why strengthened intellectual property is likely to disproportionately advantage the developed world, decrease the ability of China and India to diffuse productivity-enhancing innovations, prove both insufficient and unnecessary for promoting innovation, and even be counterproductive to the countries' innovation systems. Finally, the series will end with recommendations for the way forward for China and India.

Every year, in conjunction with the content industry, the US Trade Representative produces the Special 301 report that identifies other nations as significant concerns in regards to intellectual property. It is among the most prominent reminders of the substantial pressure placed on countries to consistently strengthen their national intellectual property regimes. For two developing nations, China and India, the pressure is particularly noteworthy. Governments, donors, private industry and academia give these rising superpowers dozens of reasons to believe that stronger intellectual property is a highly desirable improvement to their respective business environments. They propose international intellectual property "harmonization" - a process through which the developing world upgrades protection and enforcement of intellectual property to levels seen in the developed world, if not further.

A Brief Background On The Challenges Facing China And India

China's spectacular rise over the past three decades has been thanks, in large part, to good infrastructure and low-cost labor. But to continue its meteoric climb, China must make a sustained commitment to developing as a knowledge economy - one that effectively harnesses and uses new and existing knowledge to improve productivity and increase overall welfare. Right now, the service sector is very underdeveloped in China for a country of its per capita income; and although China is now the third largest spender in absolute R&D, productivity is low and regional inequalities are stark. China's leaders must take a multipronged approach to development by: promoting competition; upgrading education and learning; exploiting global knowledge; diffusing new technologies; supporting small and medium enterprises; and establishing a viable social security system.

Although China receives much of the media attention, India, too, has enjoyed historic success over the past couple decades. India's unique characteristics - skilled, English-speaking knowledge workers with diaspora linkage, free market institutions, a well-developed financial sector, and macroeconomic stability - make the knowledge economy an attractive national goal. However, the success stories of Indian IT firms betray the significant challenges facing India. India needs to strengthen the institutions supporting an efficient innovation system. It remains a relatively closed economy that receives minimal foreign direct investment (between 2003 and 2004, India received only $4.26 billion, compared to $53.5 billion in China) (Dahlman 2005). Further, it currently devotes little GDP to R&D, and private sector involvement is crowded out by government intervention. Finally, India must continue to develop a broad base of educated and skilled workers.


Other posts in this series:

Kevin Donovan is an expert at the Insight Community. To get insight and analysis from Kevin Donovan and other experts on challenges your company faces, click here.

10 Comments | Leave a Comment..

 
(Mis)Uses of Technology

(Mis)Uses of Technology

by Mike Masnick


Filed Under:
developing nations, screens, terminals

Companies:
qualcomm



Qualcomm Offering Up A BYO Screen Internet Terminal For Developing Nations

from the interesting-ideas dept

Over the years, there have been many different attempts to bring back the old school terminal-mainframe computing paradigm with various internet terminals, but for the most part, they've failed to catch on. More recently, with the growth of various internet application suites, the concept is starting to seem a bit more viable, and the rise of super cheap "netbooks" have taken advantage of that. Qualcomm is apparently looking to take this a step further, with an attempt to basically turn any screen into an internet terminal using 3G connections in developing countries.

Qualcomm, obviously, makes money wherever there's more mobile data usage, so it has every incentive to create new ways to get more people online. The article is a bit short on details, but it sounds like Qualcomm will be offering up a small device that can easily connect to certain televisions or computer monitors, and connect them to the internet. The idea is that someone with one of these devices can turn an existing screen into an internet terminal, without having to go purchase a computer or netbook or whatever. As an idea, it's intriguing, but as with all of these things, it's the execution that really matters. And, my guess is that the folks who already have screens that would work with such a device, are more likely to already have other means of internet access already.

6 Comments | Leave a Comment..

 
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